Private Lines
About Private Line

Private Line covers what has occurred, is occurring, and will ocurr in telecommunications. Since communication technology constantly changes, you can expect new content posted regularly.

Consider this site an authoritative resource. Its moderators have successful careers in the telecommunications industry. Utilize the content and send comments. As a site about communicating, conversation is encouraged.

Writers

Thomas Farely

Tom has produced privateline.com since 1995. He is now a freelance technology writer who contributes regularly to the site.

His knowledge of telecommunications has served, most notably, the American Heritage Invention and Technology Magazine and The History Channel.
His interview on Alexander Graham Bell will air on the History Channel the end of 2006.

Ken Schmidt

Ken is a licensed attorney who has worked in the tower industry for seven years. He has managed the development of broadcast towers nationwide and developed and built cell towers.

He has been quoted in newspapers and magazines on issues regarding cell towers and has spoke at industry and non-industry conferences on cell tower related issues.

He is recognized as an expert on cell tower leases and due diligence processes for tower acquisitions.

Bell Lab's History

By: Narain Gehani

* Preface (.pdf file)

Book Review: Bell Labs: Life in the Crown Jewel by Narain Gehani

What happened to Bell Labs? This book answers that question. Narain Gehani thinks Bell Labs can continue but only by quickly changing culture and direction.

Throughout his book Gehani provides fresh and important information. We get a rare look into Bell Labs' life, the tremendous freedom to pursue independent, high quality research. Even more so than academia, where tenure provides a backstop, publish or perish was a constant watch phrase. Do your research, whatever that may be, but make sure the scientific community recognizes it and accepts it. Published papers, not profit, was the expectation. As the emphasis changes to helping Lucent's business units the Labs cannot retain its old character, indeed, the old Labs is probably gone forever. Glory can come back to Bell Labs but it will probably be in a different way, helping Lucent first, then society at large. Reinventing itself may prove the Labs most difficult project, still, it may surprise us, as its discoveries and inventions have surprised us for more than seventy five years. Let's hope.

DETAILS

Bell Labs: Life in the Crown Jewel, chronicles Narain Gehani's twenty three years at Bell Laboratories. It is a welcome and needed addition to telephone history. Gehani started work in 1978, when the Labs was fully subsidized and owned by AT&T. He left in 2001, after the Lab switched parent companies, split apart many times, and researchers reduced two-thirds.

AT&T's telephone monopoly generously funded Bell Labs from its 1925 creation until the Bell System's 1984 divestiture. Each customer's bill sent something to the Labs; slightly higher rates subsidizing research and development. This excellent arrangement lasted nearly sixty years, Bell Labs contributing mightily to building the world's best telephone system. After 1984 AT&T no longer had guaranteed revenue; Bell Labs withered as its parent wandered and floundered financially. Lucent's recent control has not helped.

Chapter 1, I Have A Job For Life!, summarizes Gehani's Labs' career, Laboratory accomplishments, its history, and the desire researchers felt to work there. Chapter 2, The Crown Jewel, describes the Labs' confusing ownership, spin-offs, and name changes. Gehani details relations and history between the Labs and Lucent, Bellcore, Telecordia, NCR, Avaya, and Agere. After explaining the Labs external structure, he lays out its internal structure in Chapter 3, Life at Murray Hill. We learn how researchers, managers, and development people get along. Chapter 4, Looking For Dung But Finding Gold reveals how often pure research leads to important discoveries.

Gehani's writing turns from Old Labs to New, as Lucent ownership and funding demanded change from pure to applied research. In Chapter 5, Do We Work For The Same Company?, corporate culture differences between Lab researchers and Lucent business people block cooperating. Chapter 6, What Are You Doing For Us?, finds researchers struggling to pioneer science while producing relevant work for Lucent. Chapter 7, Bell Labs Goes West, details the well intended but doomed expansion into Silicon Valley. Chapter 8, Maps On Us, describes a successful web development project between Labs researchers and Lucent business units. It points to a collaborative direction the Labs may have to take. Chapter 9, Most Fantastic Place! recaps Bell Labs bygone university like atmosphere and the changes needed to transform the Labs into something quite different: a market oriented research institution.

Bell Labs: Life in the Crown Jewel by Narain Gehani, Silicon Press, 2003, 258 pages, hardcover, ISBN 0-929306-27-9. Consecutively numbered, descriptive endnotes. Good index. No photographs. Minor, first edition layout problems. Easily read type with plenty of white space. Recommended .

Author's Background

From the editorial review:

"Narain Gehani, a world-renowned expert in Web technologies, software, and databases is the author of many computer books including best selling books on UNIX typesetting and C. Narain was at Bell Labs for twenty three years from 1978 to 2001 where his last position was that of Research Vice President, Communications Software Research.

Narain got his PhD in computer science from Cornell University in 1975. He taught computer science for 3 years at SUNY/Buffalo and then joined Bell Labs in 1978. He has served on numerous program conference committees and was an ACM National Lecturer for several years. Narain has co-authored several pioneering software systems including the Ode object database, Concurrent C/C++ parallel programming language, and the Stair9 Web-based customer care system. Narain holds several patents, and has published many papers in computer science.

The book is available from Silicon Press (http:/www.silicon-pres.com), Amazon (http:www.amazon.com).

Letter Prefixes or EXchange Names


Numbering eras in the United States for the Bell System

* First telephone numbers are just names
* Depending on exchange size, two, three or four digit numbers assigned to subscribers,
* Two letter prefix codes assigned to four digit numbers (Circa 1928 to 1958)
* In larger cities three letter prefix codes assigned to four digit numbers (Post WWII)
* Seven digit, all number dialing begins phase in. (1958)
* Nearly all of North American telephone network converted to all number dialing (1985?)
* Some party lines remain, with single digits like Rodeo Creek Number 8

Was it all a mistake? In January, 1958, Wichita Falls, Texas was the first American city to put in true number calling, that is, seven numerical digits without letters or names. Although it took more than fifteen years to implement throughout the Bell System, ANC, or all number calling, would finally replace the system of letters and numbers begun forty years before at the advent of automatic dial.

AT&T's operating companies started installing dial telephones in the mid to late 1920s. Customers could now dial numbers themselves, instead of having an operator place them as before. Rather than use all digits to indicate a telephone number, AT&T hit upon a hybrid system of letters and numbers. Instead of a number like 351-1017, the Bell System referred to it by a name like ELgin 1-1017, ELliot 1-1017, or ELmwood 1-1017. Something like that. The two letters and a number indicated a customer's switching office or exchange, the last four digits the actual customer's number. But why use letters?

The Bell System thought abbreviations would prevent misdialing, a mnemonic device to help callers unaccustomed to using dial telephones. AT&T's William G. Blauvelt designed a dial with the letters and numbers we use today, one without a Q or Z, one without letters for the digits 1 and 0. The assumption was, therefore, that customers could dial four or five numbers correctly but not six or seven. And that somehow they needed letters as well.

I've never understood, though, why PEnsylvania 6-5000 should be easier to remember or dial than 436-5000. Yet for forty years the most bizarre exchange names flooded the country and the entire telephone system was based on this riot of numbers and letters. It's with some satisfaction I note that AT&T's Joel and Schindler, in A History of Engineering and Science in the Bell System: Switching Technology (1925 -- 1975), in discussing the Texas trial above, state contritely that "later human-factors studies showed there was no need for letters in the dialing sequence." Whoops! They went on to say that people in 1958 were now used to dialing, quite unlike forty years before. Four decades of practice were needed before people could dial another two or three digits? Perhaps. But I doubt it.

The site for all things exchange names: http://ourwebhome.com/TENP/TENproject.html

Officially recommended exchange names: http://ourwebhome.com/TENP/Recommended.html

Without doing a complete research project on this I'd say the Bell System followed the lead of many Independents who were using numbered and lettered dials before AT&T. Bell's regional operating companies may have assumed that letters and numbers were necessary because they were being used, not because they were actually needed. Tradition or sloth set in afterwards and made exchange numbers accepted, unquestioned practice.

The first telephone numbers weren't numbers, they were names. The name of your company or you as an individual. That was too confusing to build a telephone system on since many people in a town might share the same name. Starting in 1879, then, scarcely three years after the telephone was invented, the switch to assigning a customer a number began, with a four digit code being typical. Calls were not dialed by the customer, indeed, there were no dial telephones yet. All calls were connected manually by an operator at a switchboard. But dial telephones would come along.

Let's look at how telephone numbers have been arranged recently, before we look at the numbered and letter scheme of old. Four digit codes allowed 9,999 possible telephone numbers. Plenty for a small town but hardly enough for a big city. What to do? For every block of 9,999 telephone numbers you assign a two or three digit code ahead of it, to designate the telephone switch, just as the four digit code identifies the subscriber. We call the two and then three digit code the prefix or exchange number.

So, if my number was 1017 in one part of town my prefix might be 203, hence 203-1017. Another customer having the same number in another part of town would get another prefix number, say, 481, for 481-1017. The numbers 1 and 0 aren't used for prefixes since so many other things are keyed into those digits. Like dialing 1 before placing a long distance call and dialing 0 before connecting to an operator.





Telephone History
Privateline.com's Telephone History

Pages: Pages: (1)_(2)_(3)_(4)_(5)_(6)_(7)_(8)_(9) (10) (11) (Communicating) (Soundwaves) Next page -->(Life at Western Electric) next page -->

Letter Prefixes or EXchange Names/ Mobile Telephone Prefixes/ London Exchange Names in 1916

Numbering eras in the United States for the Bell System

* First telephone numbers are just names
* Depending on exchange size, two, three or four digit numbers assigned to subscribers,
* Two letter prefix codes assigned to four digit numbers (Circa 1928 to 1958)
* In larger cities three letter prefix codes assigned to four digit numbers (Post WWII)
* Seven digit, all number dialing begins phase in. (1958)
* Nearly all of North American telephone network converted to all number dialing (1985?)
* Some party lines remain, with single digits like Rodeo Creek Number 8

Was it all a mistake? In January, 1958, Wichita Falls, Texas was the first American city to put in true number calling, that is, seven numerical digits without letters or names. Although it took more than fifteen years to implement throughout the Bell System, ANC, or all number calling, would finally replace the system of letters and numbers begun forty years before at the advent of automatic dial.

AT&T's operating companies started installing dial telephones in the mid to late 1920s. Customers could now dial numbers themselves, instead of having an operator place them as before. Rather than use all digits to indicate a telephone number, AT&T hit upon a hybrid system of letters and numbers. Instead of a number like 351-1017, the Bell System referred to it by a name like ELgin 1-1017, ELliot 1-1017, or ELmwood 1-1017. Something like that. The two letters and a number indicated a customer's switching office or exchange, the last four digits the actual customer's number. But why use letters?

The Bell System thought abbreviations would prevent misdialing, a mnemonic device to help callers unaccustomed to using dial telephones. AT&T's William G. Blauvelt designed a dial with the letters and numbers we use today, one without a Q or Z, one without letters for the digits 1 and 0. The assumption was, therefore, that customers could dial four or five numbers correctly but not six or seven. And that somehow they needed letters as well.

I've never understood, though, why PEnsylvania 6-5000 should be easier to remember or dial than 436-5000. Yet for forty years the most bizarre exchange names flooded the country and the entire telephone system was based on this riot of numbers and letters. It's with some satisfaction I note that AT&T's Joel and Schindler, in A History of Engineering and Science in the Bell System: Switching Technology (1925 -- 1975), in discussing the Texas trial above, state contritely that "later human-factors studies showed there was no need for letters in the dialing sequence." Whoops! They went on to say that people in 1958 were now used to dialing, quite unlike forty years before. Four decades of practice were needed before people could dial another two or three digits? Perhaps. But I doubt it.

The site for all things exchange names: http://ourwebhome.com/TENP/TENproject.html

Officially recommended exchange names: http://ourwebhome.com/TENP/Recommended.html

Without doing a complete research project on this I'd say the Bell System followed the lead of many Independents who were using numbered and lettered dials before AT&T. Bell's regional operating companies may have assumed that letters and numbers were necessary because they were being used, not because they were actually needed. Tradition or sloth set in afterwards and made exchange numbers accepted, unquestioned practice.

The first telephone numbers weren't numbers, they were names. The name of your company or you as an individual. That was too confusing to build a telephone system on since many people in a town might share the same name. Starting in 1879, then, scarcely three years after the telephone was invented, the switch to assigning a customer a number began, with a four digit code being typical. Calls were not dialed by the customer, indeed, there were no dial telephones yet. All calls were connected manually by an operator at a switchboard. But dial telephones would come along.

Let's look at how telephone numbers have been arranged recently, before we look at the numbered and letter scheme of old. Four digit codes allowed 9,999 possible telephone numbers. Plenty for a small town but hardly enough for a big city. What to do? For every block of 9,999 telephone numbers you assign a two or three digit code ahead of it, to designate the telephone switch, just as the four digit code identifies the subscriber. We call the two and then three digit code the prefix or exchange number.

So, if my number was 1017 in one part of town my prefix might be 203, hence 203-1017. Another customer having the same number in another part of town would get another prefix number, say, 481, for 481-1017. The numbers 1 and 0 aren't used for prefixes since so many other things are keyed into those digits. Like dialing 1 before placing a long distance call and dialing 0 before connecting to an operator.

picture of a telephone dial

We then have eight digits which can't be more than three digits long. That means 512 possible office or prefix codes. Which works out to roughly slightly more than five million possible telephone numbers. That's a good system but the one the Bell System settled on for decades was quite limiting. Let's look at that.

As I said before, the Bell System first designated prefixes with letters, not numbers. In the beginning these two letter abbreviations described the area the switch building or central office was located in. Like ELm for an Elm street locale or FRanklin for an exchange on Franklin street. But this sensical method didn't last long as the few central office codes ran out. The problem was there were only so many easily pronounced names, ones where the first two letters of the word wouldn't be confused with other letters. Exchanges were later named for landmarks, famous families, city neighborhoods, and so on. After World War II some two letter prefixes had a number added on to them to extend their usefulness. Something like PLaza1-1017. That gave more prefix possibilities.

People eventually knew exchange names belonged to certain parts of the city and made associations and assumptions based on your telephone number. Did you live in downtown San Francisco? Or were you out by Golden Gate Park? Or near the Marina? Your telephone number gave a clue. All number dialing wiped out all these names and the memories that went them, much angst ensued, and countless editorials mourned their loss. Witness this lament from New York City:

"You could learn about a fella by knowing his exchange. A MOnument fella was up near 100th Street and West End Avenue. You could picture him coming downtown on the IRT, strolling first to 96th and Broadway for the newspapers, passing the Riviera and Riverside movie theaters (both gone). The ATwater girl was an East Side girl, a taxi-hailing girl, on her way to her job at Benton and Bowles. A CIrcle fella was a midtown fella, entering his CIrcle-7 Carnegie-area office with a sandwich from the Stage Deli. And what about a SPring-7 girl, twirling the ends of her long brown hair as she lay on her bed talking to you on te phone? A Greenwich Village girl. A 777 girl is nothing. She is invisible. She is without irony, seldom listens to music."

Jonathan Schwartz, New York Magazine, December 21 -- 28, 1987, as reproduced in Once Upon a Telephone: An Illustrated Social History, (1994) Stern and Gwathmey, New York. Harcourt Brace and Company. p.47

As I mentioned at the top of this page, in 1958 The Bell System began phasing out exchange name dialing or letter prefixes. As Stern and Gwathmey put it, "the WAlnuts, LOcusts, SPruces and MAgnolias were just so much dead wood." As of 1977, nearly two decades later, only 74% of Bell System lines were ANC or all number calling, it would take years more to complete the job, removing a system which was never needed in the first place.

Could you tell me in what year only a 3 digit number was used?

If you want to date something by a telephone number you should contact the history museum nearest the area your interested in. Or look in a local library for old phone books or newspapers with ads that contain telephone numbers. It's really the only way to determine an approximate date, given how every telephone company phased exchange names in and then out.

And please note: I know I sound harsh on exchange names; when I see letters and numbers together my eyes glaze over and I can't focus on what's being communicated. But many people did find them useful in remembering a telephone number and millions still feel sad at their passing; I do not mean to devalue anyone's nostalgia or emotions. Tom Farley

London Exchange Names in 1916

Britain had some wonderful sounding exchange names: BR, Brixton; HS, Hammersmith; MA, Mayfair; P, Paddington, and so on. The table and information on the left is from the ultimate Strowger site: http://www.seg.co.uk/telecomm/automat2.htm. Strowgers and their kin were early automatic telephone switches. The chart on the right is from Laidlaw and Grinstead's article The Telephone Service of Large Cities, with Special Reference to London, presented before the Institution of Electrical Engineers in London on May 15, 1919. Printed later in the IEE Journal, Volume 57. (1919)







































The Mnemonics System


It was thought that people would have problems
remembering seven digit numbers (3 exchange + 4 subscriber) so
a system of allocating letters to the dial to make area mnemonics
was developed. Each exchange was then given a code according
to the location, as closely as possible. The original British
lettering scheme was as follows :

1 Not Allocated 6 MN
2 ABC 7 PRS
3 DEF 8 TUV
4 GHI 9 WXY
5 JKL 0 0 (Operator)
Some Examples :

BARnet (227)

EALing (325)

HENdon (436)

KINgston (546)

MILl Hill (645)

PUTney (788)

VICtoria (842)

 The London telephone area


Click
here for a much larger picture of the above

The Telephone Name EXchange Project by Robert Crowe (click here to go there)

Mobile Prefixes

Editor's note. This page discusses early mobile telephone prefixes. If in fact they existed. The chart Geoff refers is linked to below, a Bell System list of approved prefix numbers and names:

Hi Tom-

Yes, that chart appears to be correct. http://ourwebhome.com/TENP/Recommended.html

As you know, until IMTS came around, mobile numbers had no direct dialing capability and only 5 digit numbers, so a mobile number was always prefixed by its home channel, thus:

JL 5-5575 or YK 4-3378

To reach a mobile phone, you had to dial the operator and then ask for the mobile operator in the city of registry of the mobile phone. Then you had to ask the mobile operator to ring the mobile, by telling her the mobile number, such as " JL 5-5575 , city of registry Los Angeles." A few years before Pac Tel switched over to IMTS, they were telling people to start using the area code rather than the city of registry. So they were expecting you to ask for "Area Code 213, JL 5-5575." The mobile terminalwould out-pulse 5 digits, i.e. 5 5575. Theoretically that could ring more than one phone, if a foreign mobile with the same number were in that area. In other words, an Alabama mobile with JL 5-5575 would also ring as there was no way to identify the city of registry with a 5 digit system. IMTS, as you know, was a 7 digit system. The IMTS phone was programmed with the area code then the last 4 digits. The prefix was not part of the ANI string. In other words, my mobile number of (408) 679-5575 was programmed into my mobile as 408-5575. As a hacker, I had a devil of a time figuring that out when I was experimenting. Even when I signed up for service, Pac Tel never said a thing about it.

There were 11 channels, as identified on the channel buttons of your Livermore attache phone. Each would originally have been a mobile # prefix. I see 57 is the numeric equivalent of channel prefix JR, but also JS and JP. Looking at the chart, I see 97 is also reserved, and would represent channels YR or YS or YP. The VHF channels start with a J or a Y so you would also need to reserve prefixes 55 and 95.

But I don't see any point in ever having reserved those exchange prefixes for mobiles, since there was no way they could ever have been dialed direct in an MTS manual system. You always had to ask for a mobile operator, and then say the channel, rather than the prefix. I think the reservation of those exchange prefixes was part of an early idea that someday they would have direct land to mobile dialing even in MTS phone systems, which never happened.

On another more arcane subject, those decoder gear wheels in the earliest mobile phones were not capable of using certain number combinations by reason of mathematics, and there was a whole list of numbers to be avoided for various reasons, mainly because the wheel did not revert to the resting position as soon as it detected a mismatch, as the transistorized selectors did. It only reverted to rest when the digits from the phone company transmitter ceased and a mismatch occurred. Thus, if you picked the wrong number to use, the phone could ring when someone else was dialed. That must have been very confusing. In other words, there were some numbers which added up to the same number of ratchets of the wheel such that the bell would ring. Also, the number selected couldn't add up to a total larger than a certain figure. This limited the available number pool.

Regards,

Geoff

The Telephone Name EXchange Project by Robert Crowe (click here to go there)

IMTS or Improved Mobile Telephone History Links below:

MOTOROLA EARLY LAND MOBILE EQUIPMENT INDEX, 1938-1946

http://www.mbay.net/~wb6nvh/Motadata.htm

Geoff is an ardent mobile radio enthusiast, please visit his site soon.

More IMTS madness? Of course. Take a look at a company newsletter describing the 1982 cutover in Pac Bell land:

Page One / Page Two / Page Three / Page Four

Party Line Histroy

What technological change has affected the telephone most? And what cultural change has made the most impact?

High strength plastic has probably made the most change to the telephone instrument. For the telephone system as a whole, the vacuum tube and then the transistor made the most change. Cultural? Perhaps the demand for privacy, an insistence for single line service after World War II. The telephone can be a true, personal communicating device only when we are not sharing that line with someone else.

Party lines for non-business subscribers were the rule before World War II, not the exception. In cities and country, most people shared a line with two to ten to twenty people. You could talk only five minutes or so before someone else wanted to make a call. And anyone on the party line could pick up their receiver and listen in to your conversation. I think single line service, which took until the early 1970s to become nearly universal, has allowed the telephone to fully develop into what we know it today, a way to make personal and business calls in a relaxed, comfortable manner. That we don't think about single line service as enabling the telephone is a good thing. You see, it's only when technology becomes secondary, when we no longer notice it, does it become truly liberating.

Mind Your Own Business -- Hank Williams Sr. -- 1949

Oh, the woman on our party line's the nosiest thing
She picks up her receiver when she knows it's my ring
Why don't you mind your own business
(Mind your own business)
Well, if you mind your business, then you won't be mindin' mine.

Hank

Digital times, private lives are breaking up party lines, by Rick Hampson

Copyright USA Today Information Network Oct 23, 2000

Abstract: Although party lines are thought of as a staple of rural life, in fact some big cities had quite a few. In the 1920s, they made up fewer than 10% of the phones in Detroit but more than 60% in Minneapolis and Oakland. The 1959 movie Pillow Talk, in which Doris Day silently and indignantly listened in as Rock Hudson wooed other women, was set in New York City. But that was a fantasy; by 1930, neither New York City nor Washington, D.C., had a single party line.

You could try to shame eavesdroppers into hanging up -- I've got more to tell you, Elsie, but someone's on the line -- and wait for the sound of a quiet, guilty "click." Or two people on the same line might arrange to pick up at the same time -- say, 2:11 p.m. -- and not alert eavesdroppers with rings. But mostly, [Eleanor Arnold] says, "you just didn't say too much on the phone. I still, to this day, have the feeling that if it's private, you don't talk about it on the phone."

From Brightlightsfilm.com:

In Pillow Talk, New York still reigns supreme. To let us know that the film is about S-E-X, it opens with Doris pulling a stocking on a long, elegant leg. She lives alone in a fabulous New York apartment on Park Avenue. Rock lives in an adjoining building. The basic gag of the film is that they share a "party line," which means that poor Doris can hardly get a word in edgewise, thanks to all the "last night was wonderful, when can I see you again" calls that bad-boy Rock gets from his multitudinous girlfriends. Doris accuses Rock of being a sex maniac, while he patronizingly expresses sympathy for her situation: "The only thing sadder than a woman who lives alone is one who thinks she's happy that way."

In olden times, people didn't have individual phone lines. However, the idea that this would still be the case in 1959 on Park Avenue is the second least believable detail from Pillow Talk.

http://www.brightlightsfilm.com/24/pillowtalk1.html (external link)

Digital times, private lives are breaking up party lines, by Rick Hampson

Full Article: About 5,000 of 167 million access lines in the nation remain hooked up to more than one household, but 90% of those party lines are telephonic ghost towns.

The Nation

Maybe you remember when eavesdropping was as easy as picking up the phone; when, instead of urging us to "reach out and touch someone," the telephone company warned not to talk too long; when you counted long and short rings to know a call was for you.

Maybe you remember the party line, once this country's most common, most affordable and most frustrating form of telephone service.

But the party's almost over. Party lines have disappeared from some states and been outlawed in others. In Mississippi, once served largely by party lines, Bell South says it has two left: one with four homes on it, one with two homes. And this summer, the last few hundred Bell Atlantic party lines in Pennsylvania were converted to private service.

Party lines are telephone lines shared by more than one household. No one knows exactly how many remain in the nation, but there are very few true ones -- perhaps 5,000 out of 167 million access lines. No telephone company offers new party-line service, and existing party lines are gradually being converted to single party lines.

Although they are slightly cheaper than private lines, most party lines can't handle digital signals and don't allow users to have services such as caller identification, speed dialing and call waiting.

'The telephone habit'

Homer Benedict, 100, had a party line until a few weeks ago at his home in South Kortright, N.Y. To get Lifeline service, which allows people to summon help by pressing a button they carry around with them, he had to get his first private line.

For years, he shared the telephone line with the woman next door. When he was working in his yard, she would pick up on his ring and summon him inside to take the call. After her death a few years ago, their line became a party line in name only.

In fact, about 90% of what phone companies call multiparty lines are really telephonic ghost towns. They're old party lines that over the years have lost all but one party -- a single household still billed at a party-line rate for what amounts to a private line, and thus might pay a dollar or two less a month.

When John Holdsworth and his wife moved recently into his grandparents' old house in Rindge, N.H., he found that the place technically still has a party line, "but we were the only party on it."

At 70, however, Holdsworth can recall when that same line had several households, and the only way his grandparents could tell a call was for them was to listen for their three short rings. Before making a call, they had to pick up the receiver and make sure no one was already on the line. And while they were talking, there was nothing to stop one of the other parties on the line from picking up and listening in.

Today, when one home might have six phone lines, it's hard to imagine six homes on one line. But 70 years ago, most people had party lines. In the Bell System, 36% of residential customers were on two-party lines, and 27% were on four-party lines.

In the late 19th century, the Bell System had used the cheaper (and less profitable) lines to get more Americans hooked on what company executives called "the telephone habit."

The ultimate goal was to move customers on to more expensive private lines. Accordingly, "the object of this (multiparty) service will not be accomplished unless the service is unsatisfactory," Bell chief engineer Joseph Davis said in 1899. "It therefore requires that enough subscribers be placed on a line to make them dissatisfied and desirous of a better service."

Although party lines are thought of as a staple of rural life, in fact some big cities had quite a few. In the 1920s, they made up fewer than 10% of the phones in Detroit but more than 60% in Minneapolis and Oakland. The 1959 movie Pillow Talk, in which Doris Day silently and indignantly listened in as Rock Hudson wooed other women, was set in New York City. But that was a fantasy; by 1930, neither New York City nor Washington, D.C., had a single party line.

Nosiness and neighborliness

In the Midwest, however, half the residential lines were party lines. On the farm, the phone, even with as many as a dozen families on a line, made life easier. You could summon the doctor, learn farm prices, contact a neighbor down the road. A special "line ring" -- such as nine short rings -- invited everyone to get on the line to warn of trouble or spread good news. Merchants could buy ads via line calls to announce sales and prices.

When a blizzard stranded families in rural Kansas, each family on a party line lifted the receiver and entertained each other with jokes, poems, piano playing or "whatever they could do," says Robin Sherck, director of the Museum of Independent Telephony in Abilene, Kan.

"Back then," she adds, "the telephone was such a wonderful new thing that people didn't mind sharing a line."

However, the bane of the party line was what some called "rubbering" -- eavesdropping. In the days before radio and television, your neighbor's conversation might be your entertainment.

Claiborn Crain, a government public relations man in Washington, grew up on a farm outside Amarillo, Texas, in the 1950s. His family's ring was three longs and a short, "but everybody on the line'd pick up," he recalls. "They wanted the gossip."

A woman who recently visited the Museum of Independent Telephony recalled attending a 4-H meeting at the home of another family on the same party line -- a family she was sure, but couldn't prove, had been eavesdropping. During the meeting, the phone rang her family's ring, but one boy jumped up and headed straight for the phone -- until he froze and looked back sheepishly. "I'd caught him," she laughed.

Sometimes you could judge, from the strength of the signal, how many people were listening in. Sometimes you could hear them.

"My mother-in-law breathed heavily," says Eleanor Arnold of Rushville, Ind., who had a party line until 1969 -- her first 21 years of marriage. "You could always hear her."

Ruth Irwin, who grew up in Mississippi, was on her party line one day describing a ball game when a male voice suddenly cut in: "No, that wasn't the way it was!"

You could try to shame eavesdroppers into hanging up -- I've got more to tell you, Elsie, but someone's on the line -- and wait for the sound of a quiet, guilty "click." Or two people on the same line might arrange to pick up at the same time -- say, 2:11 p.m. -- and not alert eavesdroppers with rings. But mostly, Arnold says, "you just didn't say too much on the phone. I still, to this day, have the feeling that if it's private, you don't talk about it on the phone."

And you didn't talk too long, a point driven home by phone company literature on telephone etiquette. "You'd say, 'We've been on long enough, someone else might be needin' the line,' " Arnold says. "I still get that feeling, too, if I've been talking for a while."

Though the lines lacked privacy, they helped build a sense of community. If several calls in succession to the same number sparked worries that something was wrong, others would pick up and listen in to find out whether there was anything they could do to help.

"It wasn't really nosiness, it was neighborliness," Helen Musselman of Hamilton County, Ind., told an oral history interviewer in the 1980s. Now, she said, "it's cold. . . . You don't know what your next-door neighbor is doing."

Early radio notes

Tom:

The photo caption in your telephone history series is, despite it coming directly out of a book, incorrect. The large electronic tube is not the single "500 kilowatt valve." It was one of FIFTY-FOUR ten kilowatt tubes operable in parallel to form the transmitter at Hillmorton, near Rugby, in England. When I finish this note, I'll try to find the web link to a local web page from there that has some of the description of the site. That plant exists today and is still on the air, its 8 towers of 800 odd feet being visible for miles around.

The giant transmitter is actually ten radio amplifiers of 100 kilowatts input, 54 kilowatts output each. That, if used together, is called by some one million Watts, based on input; by others, 500 kilowatts or 540 kilowatts based on output. In fact, other than for initial testing, all ten amplifiers were never tied together. Nine of them are used in parallel, excited from a source of the Very Low Frequency of 16.7 kilohertz. with the callsign GBR - which might stand for Great Britain Radio or Great Britain Rugby, or some ways in England say, "Great Bloody Radio."

The original purpose of GBR was to be able to send a telegraphic message to anywhere in the old British Empire at any day or time. It evolved into marine radio use, and since the Cold War, has been used to transmit telegraph to England's nuclear submarines, in the same way the US Navy has several VLF stations for the US subs. The tenth 100 kw in/54 kw out amplifier was the bit used for that first transatlantic radiotelephone link in 1927. It was excited at 60 kilohertz with a single sideband speech exciter to work with its AT&T mate in the States. The AT&T reciever ultimately wound up at Houlton, Maine (which was used in later years as AT&T's Telstar satellite station site), and the Deal Beach transmitter on 55 kilohertz was ultimately replaced with one at RCA's huge transmtting plant at Rocky Point, Long Island. The callsign for the British end was GBT, obviously for Great Britain Telephone or such. Speaking of the first transatlantic radio-telephone link, let me mention a few things.

Despite the Bell Laboratories Record account, Deal Beach, New Jersey was merely a Labs testing place, for things like the WWI trials to Europe and such. The actual 55 kHz SSB transmitter for that 1927 London-NY radio link was in the RCA transmitter plant at Rocky Point, way out on the tip of Long Island, 150 miles east of the NYC metro area.

AT&T contracted out the construction and operation of the Rocky Point transmitter throughout its entire life, which was from 1927 until around 1970.

Similarly, I've just received info from some local people in Maine whose knowledge that RCA built a LF receiving station in Maine in WWI (which is probably where Harold Beverage got his start) leads to the likelihood that RCA also built AT&T's receiving station at nearby Houlton, Maine.

In other words the entire US end of the fabled 1927 first transatlantic telephone link was probably built for AT&T by RCA! (After all, AT&T owned 25% of RCA in its early years!). But back to somewhat modern times, at least for a few paragraphs :-)

When HF (shortwave) radio came into practical use, the VLF link was primarily used as the "backup." Even when the first submarine telephone cable was laid across the Atlantic in 1957, the several shortwave links were retired, but the Rugby-Rocky Point pair were actually kept on the air (but idle) as the final backup - actually in case of nuclear attack that would potentially make render both cables and shortwave useless. It wasn't till there were several cables and satellites in use that the 60 kHz/55 kHz link was retired. In England, the 60 kHz operation's callsign was changed to MSF, and it became England's standard time and frequency reference transmitter, which it is to this day. Over the years, the 1927 transmitters have certainly been replaced, but the British Post Office maintains a security cloak over what the GBR transmitter is today. They have told that the MSF transmitter has been replaced a couple of times, and we can certainly expect similar change has been made to GBR. Here's the web page, which isn't that well written, for GBR.

http://62.32.51.17:8033/Radio_masts/ (external link, now having problems)

There's a whole lot more to the early days of telecommunications. I have written a number of vignettes of the monsters of early radio, which I call "Jurassic Telecommunications." By and large, like the dinosaurs, it grew from cricket chirps into beasts of 100 or even 300 kilowatts, and the final bit were a few megawatt monsters like GBR.

One of the more interesting ones is the French megawatt spark monster that Blackjack Pershing ordered in WWI, at a Bordeaux location called Croix d'Hins. It was intended as a backup link across the Atlantic in case the Germans cut the transatlantic telegraph cables. Its callsign was merely LY and operated on VLF of 12.7 kHz. It didn't last long after the war, because when radio began to develop, it was found to cause so much interference that it had to be abandoned! Here's a page about it:

http://www.u-e-f.net/uef-histoire/croixhins.htm (external link, now dead)

There's a LOT of French history with further links at:

http://www.u-e-f.net/uef-histoire/index.htm (external link, now dead)

And, here are a couple of links about a third monster, Alexanderson's Alternator, of which one plant is still maintained at Grimeton, Sweden, callsign SAQ on 17.2 kHz:

http://www.telemuseum.se/historia/alex/1.html

http://www.telemuseum.se/grimeton/defaulte.html

(Both liinks now dead)

There were (and indeed, still are) many "footprints of the dinosaurs" of radio among us. Just last month, I was in Florida finding the concrete tower base of the first - ever AM broadcast "directional antenna" in the world. I hope you find all this interesting. I add to the database as I can. You can see some of it in the Archives section of: http://www.oldradio.com (external link)

The Future of A.M.

Poor old AM sure took its hits, Tom. But there's a lot afoot these days, First off, the consolidation of ownership has in its way changed many stations from local issue-orientation to regional broadcasters. And, the way telecommunications has become a commodity, we find those regional owners having a set of studios in which programs for a dozen or more stations are generated, I've just been in Tampa, to find a studio center of Clear Channel, one of the largest owners, running nine studios with programs for a dozen stations in and around Tampa and Florida's West Coast, for example.

More recently, on an auto trip from here to Dallas via Atlanta, I noticed several AM's which individually could not cover the Atlanta metroplex, but which carried the same program all day. One pair was even on adjacent channels, 1060 and 1070, so it took but a flick of the dial to continue to hear their program when driving across the entire city, as I did.

And, there's the newly emergent matter of IBOC- In-Band On-Channel digital AM stereo transmission. As with most technologies, there's a American way that's incompatible with the European "world standard" way, but if you heard the results of either, you'd be amazed. There's a website somewhere that I stumbled on that plays audio from both ways, and the digital result is nothing short of amazing! One of the demos is a movement from a full orchestra classical piece, played on a shortwave broadcast station, The analog sample is full of all the noises, fades and distortions of shortwave radio, while the digital rendition is crystal clear the whole time.

Will that save AM? Will satellite-delivered radio kill both AM and FM? Who knows? All I can say is I'm not scrapping my old Hallicrafters just yet. If nothing else, it may become a museum piece! If you'd like to see more about me, see my (out of date) personal website: http://members.fortunecity.com/donkimberlin/ (external link)


"My interest in telecommunications spans the earliest forms of electric telegraphy in 16th century Spain up to the early 20th century.
Author at Cape Hatteras, North Carolina, USA

Kimberlin questions Marconi, excellent reading ahead

It's accepted that in 1901 Marconi received the first trans-Atlantic radio signal, the letter "S", three clicks, tapped out in Morse code. Don Kimberlin now questions that accomplishment in a well written and researched article, "Investigating Radio's Roots: What Did Marconi Hear? The World's Most Heralded Radio Failure." The article is in .pdf form:
http://www.oldradio.com/archives/jurassic/marconi2.pdf (external link)

Or, if you want the .pdf file from this site click here (internal link)

There's do doubt Marconi's team transmitted a single "S" from Poldhu in Cornwall, near Land's End. But did Marconi actually receive it? Or did he and the sole witness to the event hear something else? Something they mistook for the signal? I've written many times how difficult it is to determine radio firsts; Marconi's claim now proves equally hard to establish. Time to rewrite the history books. Again.

Update. In response to my question to Don, How could an experienced operator like Marconi confuse telegraph dashes for lightning produced static?, Kimberlin responds:

Tom:

How did Marconi might mistake lightning for his desired signals? The key lies in the sound he wanted to hear.

Perhaps I didn't speak enough to the point of the way they had tuned the Poldhu spark transmiter. At the time, their financial strain was such that in order to minimize stress on the Poldhu transmitter, they had reduced the duty cycle of the spark to such a short period that each "key down" on the transmitter produced only a very short "click" of transmission, not the "buzz" we are accustomed to expect from a Type B emission. That way, heating and possible damange while producing maximum power at Poldhu was reduced.

Certainly, Marconi had heard lighting before, but here he was expecting merely a train of 3 clicks in an earphone. They could as easily have come from a natural source as from his transmitter.

I think what is key here is to have some understanding of just how much more favorable a south-north equatorial transmission path is than an east-west one. I may be more sensitive that difference than most people who are not HF propagation specialists, merely because I worked in AT&T's HF radio plant at Fort Lauderdale, FL -- a place that ran largely north-south paths in the equatorial region. It meant we could run commerciallly suitable links most any day of most any part of the solar cycle - high or low - while the AT&T plants at New York and San Francisco often had days of downtime, particularly in lows of the solar cycle.

And, December 12, 1901 was the lowest of low -- a day of absolutely zero sunspots.

Since writing the article, it has crossed my mind there could have been a minor geomagnetic storm, which would be highly unlikely, and I can't rule out one of the annual meteor showers, and I intend to correspond with an expert or two on those. I rather expect their opinion will be neither of those as a cause on 12/12/1901.

March 4, 2004

Tom. Don here again. I have a reader questioning my Marconi article. Let me make a few more comments. People can download the original article in by clicking here. (internal link) Here's what I wrote to that reader:

Thanks for all the complimentary words about my thesis on Marconi. I think it still stands, for these points if not more:

1.) Marconi (and others for more than a century now) with vastly improved technology have never been able to reproduce the experiment. It's a canon rule of The Scientific Method that you must be able to reproduce the experiment for it to stand as accomplished. Think of the more recent "cold fusion" claims that can't be confirmed as an example.

None of that is meant to detract from Marconi and his determination to open a transatlantic (and indeed, if you know about the beginnings of Bolinas, CA) transpacific telegraph business. He proved that by working for four more years, investing huge amounts of money, in which he multiplied his transmitter power by orders of magnitude, lengthened his antennas out to miles and found he had to reduce his frequency right down to 30 kHz or so to establish reliable transoceanic links. Marconi was no piker!

2.) I'm quite familiar with your theory about recognizing the "swing" of an individual telegrapher, having myself worked with the last of the telegraphers in AT&T, TRT, ITT and Western Union's submarine cable system. These people would sit and tap out messages to their comrades wherever they were -- even if it was on a wooden desktop.

In the AT&T locations, we actually had old clickety-clack telegraph sounders, and I could read some of the messages myself. Unfortunately, in that 1901 effort, Fleming was not sending Morse "S" for Marconi to hear, nor even strings of "S." He was sending simply 3 dots at scheduled times. What's more, Alexander Fleming was not a telegrapher. He was a physicist, He had not previously been a regular message telegrapher with Marconi.

3.) The "S" letters we speak of were not a part of message traffic streaming along. It was merely occasional transmissions of 3 dots on a schedule of a few minutes on, then wait a half hour, then a few minutes on and such. And, as you noted, with the short duty cycle they had set on the Poldhu transmitter (fearing they might burn it out), each dot merely sounded like a click. And, I'm sure you have heard static that sounded simply like a "click." That static can propagate around the globe like any RF signal, particularly if it's at HF. And, whatever "key" they had a Poldhu would likely have been a very clunky 1900 style model.

So, here's an added bit to my attempt at slicing this Gordian knot:

a.) Today's antenna analyzers have satisfied themselves that Marconi's Poldhu antenna was a very effective 850 kHz low-pass filter. In other words, no HF got launched from Poldhu on 12/12/1901 when the sunspot count was zero. (BTW, the lowest day of the century!)

b.) Marconi himself reports having at first tried receiving for a couple of days with an antenna tuning arrangement, which was a filter of some sort -likely low-pass.

c.) When he bypassed the tuner, he heard the sort of "signals" he sought, and said that was Poldhu.

d.) But, in removing the filter, he also opened up his receiver to HF, where natural static, in particular from due south of Newfoundland in Amazonian Brazil, one of the earth's three most active lightning sources could skip in to him.

Since nobody knew what "skip" was, nobody at the time would have even thought that Marconi might have heard something else. In fact, the whole notion about "Marconi did it on skip" came from an early 1902 remark by Arthur Kennelly (half of the Kennelly-Heaviside team), who said that barring any other explanation, Marconi might have done it by reflections off some newly discovered ionospheric layers.

In those early days of radio, nobody had means to measure things ionospheric with any accuracy, everyone accepted Kennelly's theory -- and has accepted it without testing since!

I hope that gives you a fair explanation of why I believe Marconi fooled himself, and we have been fooling ourselves since then. As I said, we still owe just about everything we do with radio to Marconi's pioneering, even if he did fool himself.

Remembering ITT

Tom Farley back again, writing here. IT&T tried being the world-wide equivalent to AT&T. In some ways they succeeded. Little exists about IT&T on the web but you'll find many good books about them in any large library. They had two eras, the first, founding and development, led by the Behn brothers, and the second, a rebirth and expansion, led by Harold Geneen. How did they start?

In 1925 Western Electric sold its overseas manufacturing plants to a small company with a big name and even bigger ideas: International Telephone and Telegraph. A controversial decision within the Bell System. AT&T sold factories in 11 countries, fearing a United States anti-trust lawsuit. Western kept one foreign company: Canadian Northern Electric, holding it until 1957. AT&T would not return officially to the international market until 1977.

ITT's owners, the curious, conspiratorial Behn brothers, Sosthenes and Hernand, bought Western Electric International for 30 million dollars and renamed it International Standard Electric. Their purchase, backed by J.P. Morgan's bank, included Western's large British manufacturer, renamed Standard Telephones and Cable. The Behns agreed not to compete in America against Western Electric, and to be the export agent for AT&T products abroad. AT&T agreed in return not to compete internationally against the Behns. Now equipped with a large manufacturing arm, IT&T spread across the globe, buying and influencing telephone companies (and their governments) on nearly every continent.

IT&T reorganized and moved into new industries in the late1950s after Sosthenes Behn died. Harold Geneen, an obsessive and ruthless man, at times criminal, took charge. Don Kimberlin relates,

"Harold Geneen's arrival put accountants clearly in charge. During my own time there, the engineers were still reeling from the way in which Geneen trashed all their technology heritage, both figuratively and literally. If it didn't make money in the current accounting cycle, it wasn't worth having around."

"I have my own perfect example, having been the project engineer who found a revolutionary way to improve telegraphy on the then worldwide Telex network. My technique was highly successful, and increased the capacity of an analog voice channel from at first 24 TTY's, then 46, then 92, and ultimately 184 as the serial data modems that supported it increased in capacity from 2400 to 4800 and then 9600 bps."

"That project impressed Park Avenue enough that they featured that 'ITT World's First' on the cover of the annual report....then forgot about it. Geneen was the sort who'd say, 'OK, so what did you do for me this year?' He wouldn't invest in people whose creativity didn't match the accounting cycle. I left ITT to utlimately work for a developer who had me take the new technology to Africa and the Mid-East."

"In that regard, we had to solve a number of marketing problems. One of them was Saddam Hussein, who wanted our Time Division Multiplexing technique because we'd proved and sold it to the Saudis. However, Iraq had alrady embargoed American goods."

"Cable and Wireless stepped into the transaction to broker it and sanitize the deal. At the time, it was interesting because the Iraqis actually came to us, even visiting our company and factory run by American Jews, but then they backed off to have C&W make the purchase and install the goods. No small part of it was the Arab embargo on components from 'corporate supporters of Zionism.' That included most of our semiconductor suppliers -- Fairchild, Motorola and such. The Iraqis sent people from their embassy to our plant, negotiating the price and having us paint out all offending parts ID's in the product, the drawings and the parts lists, to make a special product for them. They paid dearly for us to make our products acceptable to their inspectors -- and C&W benefited from the increased cash flow in the deal."

privateline.comm reader Ron McKinney had a personal encounter with Geenen: "In the winter of 1971, I was an out of work carpenter. Granite Construction Company was building a sewage treatment plant in Homestead, FL. Having previously worked for the company in San Francisco, I drove out to the site, but learned that they had all of the carpenters they needed. So I picked up the Miami Herald and spotted an ad placed by the manager of the Key Biscayne Hotel and Tennis Club. I was hired to remodel a suite of rooms for the owner, Harold Geneen. It wasn't uncommon to see numerous Secret Service agents around the place, as President Richard M. Nixon and his friend Beebe Rebozo were frequent guests. At the time, Nixon's home on Key Biscayne was being remodeled. You may recall that this was a time when Nixon's aides, were busy covering up the Administration's connection with the Plumbers' break-in at the Watergate and their other illegal activities, such as wire tapping Nixon's 'enemies.'"

Hearing Spark

Yes, I am interested in "spark," and I even heard one on the job once in 1962. I had only been working for AT&T for about 6 months, in their HF station at Ft. Lauderdale, FL, where we had the HF ship station WOM (the shore end of "The Love Boats." A number of our technical operators had been ship radio officers and were real whizzes on the Morse key - and I mean the American Morse used on our order wire to the transmitter plant, or the International Morse used on the radio (which we were licensed for to use in calling and setting up links). One day, one of them called me over and said, "Listen, that's a sparker!" It must have been a Poulsen arc, as it sounded rather musical and was transmitting up around 8 mHz with a fairly narrow bandwidth.

I later learned that some US Navy ships of WWI and a bit later still carried a Poulsen arc (made by Federal at San Francisco, FYI) as a backup. Apparently someone was just testing it.

For example, there is, near you, history of the Federal Radiotelegraph Company of San Francisco, at which a young Stanford student went to Denmark and got himself the US license for Valdimer Poulsen's megnetically-quenched arc, which he ultimately sold to the US (and other friendly) navies. That culminated in building four monstrous one megawatt arc converters for a gigantic 12 kHz link between the US Navy at Arlington, VA and the shore of Bordeaux in France. It had been ordered by "Blackjack" Pershing as a fallback to the transatlantic cables in WWI, fearing the Germans would cut the cables across the Atlantic.

It turned out the war ended before the French station was completed, and the French then, out of a sort of honor we no longer seem to have, purchased it as a means of appreciation for saving them from the Germans. That was all well and good, but when the French tried to use it, they found the beast generated harmonics of 12.7 kHz that interfered with all the other nascent forms of radio that were emergining in France by 1920 -- so it had to be abandoned. Today, the tower bases are still there, and there's a small local group who try to keep the memory alive. You can see their website at:

http://www.u-e-f.net/uef-histoire/croixhins.htm

A.M. and F.M.

As to the long-standing AM vs FM debate, Barry and I have the distinct advantage of a close liaison with a radio consulting engineer who does understand the math, and he has provided us with copies of the earlier Carson papers. When we get into discussion about this, his read is that one is a half-full cup while the other is a half-empty cup. In other words, when you optimize each, they are so close, it's hard to find a difference.

Let me give you an example I can explain: When I was a product manager for modems at Paradyne Corporation, we were pushing the limit of commercial viablity for voiceband modems. Our designers chose phase-modulated modems, while our arch-rivals, Codex, chose what was the university-professor; math-on-the-blackboard textbook favorite, vestigial sideband AM modems (which is what the Bell Labs engineers were big on, too).

I had to come up with some advertising for our salesmen to sell with. So, I asked our designer what it was about. Tom Armstrong (that was really his name!) told me, "VSB has a textbook advantage of 1/2 dB in signal-to-noise requirement over PM. But, none of its proponents took the time to find out how long it takes a VSB modem to regain sync and get into operation when there is a noise hit. That is so much longer that, over time, a PM modem gets much more data through. We think that data throughput is what our customers want, not theoretical perfection."

Hey, I just paraphrased Tom's words, and we devastated the competition! And, addressing some of your remarks, yes, early FM was quite complex compared to AM and SSB, which would be less expensive to manufacture. But, there's a key point in the AM vs.FM story that gets lost: The others really wanted Armstrong's FM but they didn't want to pay him patent license fees. (I dearly wish I hadn't let the Armstrong patent license document that hung on the wall at WTSP-FM next to the FCC license get lost!) Armstrong's patent was limited. He defined FM as a high-fidelity radio transmission method, and said it required a modulation index exceeding 1.0 to get the 60 dB S/N that made it "hi-fi." Bell Labs dearly needed FM to make its microwave systems work. They limited their modulation index to less than 1.0, and invented "phase modulation" for the world -- and themselves to be patent license free! Sarnoff went a bit futher. He waited for Armstong to commit suicide, then let RCA loose on FM for both TV audio and radio broadcasting. So, you see, usable systems can be made of both AM, FM and even "substandard" PM, if you just optimize the system they work in.

I am constantly amazed at how few people understand the concept of a "noise floor," and how, because we badger authorities like the FCC to allow more and more stations, we have raised the noise floor. Just a week ago, I happened to be at a convention of broadcasters in Charlotte, where two were amazing themselves about how a new AM station on the California coast, operating in the new expanded AM band above 1600 kHz, said they had listeners in Hawaii. Well, duh - first off, 5,000 micromho saltwater for a path, and then nobody else on the channel to create interference! What do you expect? And, how long before there is someone else on their channel, anyway?

Negative or Positive

Depending upon whether your company had originated from Western Union or from a later radio "upstart" like Marconi, your batteries might have either their negative or their positive terminals connected to ground. It's all part of the Great Debate about whether electrical Mother Earth has a negative or a positive tendency, and the effort to reduce cathodic erosion of grounding terminals in the plant. And that reflected into whether, on polar telegraph circuits, marking current was postive or negative. At ITT in NY, when we got circuits in from Western Union or WUI, their
marking current was always positive, and we'd have to match them, because they would not change!

When we got circuits in from RCA, they'd always be negative mark, and we'd have to match them, because they would not change! At ITT, we liked negative mark, but we'd adapt to the others, just to get business done. I can't imagine what must have gone on when the two of them tried to interconnect!

At any rate, you could see the historical heritage of Western Union and RCA in each of these. And what was our heritage that made ITT so accommodating?

Remember Postal Telegraph? That manually-run, scrambling around outfit owned by ITT that gave Western Union such fits pre-WWII that Western went to the FCC to sue ITT out of the domestic telegraph business? See, the story all fits together!

American Personal Communications, from Walkie Talkie to Cell Phone

"Now, for good or evil, comes the Walkie-Talkie for civilians. Just radio, 'Bring home an extra lamb chop,' or, "I want to report a strange man -' You can keep quiet, if you wish - but you probably won't."

From "Phone Me By Air" The Saturday Evening Post, 1945


This vision of a talkative wireless future appeared a half century ago; it foresaw the hand-held devices we use today and revealed the important link between military and civilian communications. The war effort developed portable radios, units no longer restricted to a car, truck, or tank. Unlike in previous wars, the foot soldier could now carry a radio with him, communicating with headquarters, squad leaders, or other soldiers while moving about. The personal radio had arrived and it has never left.

Before World War II most radio transmitters and receivers were big, bulky, and extremely heavy. Each piece could weigh 15 kilograms or more. They were so heavy that equipment collectors call these old radios 'boat anchors.' The first step to make a radio truly portable was to reduce size and weight. The Galvin Manufacturing Company, now Motorola, combined a receiver and transmitter into a single hand-held unit. They called it the Handie-Talkie. Weighing 2.3-kg, the Handie-Talkie had a range of 1.6 to 4.8 kilometers. This miniature marvel used five small vacuum tubes and put out one third of a watt. Motorola made 130,000 hand held units between 1941 and 1945. The SCR-536 was typical. Pulling out the antenna turned the radio on, pushing the antenna back in turned it off. While the 1943 Handie-Talkie somewhat resembles a large radio-telephone of today, it was Motorola's backpack model, the Walkie-Talkie, that heralded a new era in personal, portable communications.


The SCR-536. Walkie talkie photograph originally from here: http://www.gordon.army.mil/museum/AMC/talk.htm (link now dead)

The biggest change in radio from previous wars was personal communications, but the most significant wartime accomplishment for portability itself was frequency modulation or F.M. Reducing radio size was essential, but the transistor would be invented in a few years, making all electronics smaller. F.M. instead was the key development and many modern two-way radios and older cellular telephones use this technology today. As did Motorola's 1943 Walkie-Talkie. Known as the SCR-300, it weighed almost 16 kg. and had an average range of 16 to 32 km. It used 18 fragile glass tubes. Motorola chief scientist Daniel E. Noble designed it for the U.S. Army Signal Corps, which in turn deployed it to the different divisions of the armed forces. These early Handie-Talkies used conventional A.M. or amplitude modulation technology because F.M. was newer and field radios had not used it before. But, delayed as it was for hand-held radios during the War, larger F.M. sets were rushed into production and used throughout the U.S. military, a great many installed in tanks. Why F.M.?


Frequency modulation, whereby the carrier wave is varied not by strength, as in A.M., but in proportion or frequency to the amplitude of the information signal.

Interference from other radio signals, man-made electrical noise, and atmospheric disturbances, plague A.M. radios, problems amplitude modulation transmitters use high power to overcome. F.M radios use less power to transmit since they're not affected by this interference. That means lower power to operate which means longer battery life. Transmissions sound cleaner and arrives without static. F.M. also has a capture effect, whereby the receiver locks on to the strongest signal it picks up, eliminating fading and competing radio signals. After the war the military continued working with F.M. for Handie-Talkies, producing the F.M. based PRC-6 in 1950, now considered the first truly successful hand-held military radio. But I am getting ahead of our story.


Amateur radio operator circa 1950. Technical radio knowledge and Morse code ability required for operator license. Beer served on platter and tie wearing required for style. Click here for a bigger picture.

In 1945 World War II ended and American civilian radio and telephone development resumed. After showing the utility of personal communications on the battlefield, Handie-Talkies and Walkie-Talkies could now be developed for civillian use. Before World War II Americans could not talk freely over the radio. You needed a federally issued amateur radio license first, based upon passing a test, which required technical knowledge and a proficiency in Morse code. With these impediments only dedicated enthusiasts pursued radio. After the war the United States re-thought civilian communication. Why not designate frequencies for personal, non-licensed use?


Calling for help on a military walkie talkie converted to use civilian frequencies. No connection to the landline telephone network.

In late 1945 the United States Federal Communications Commission unveiled a radio plan called the Citizens Band for private individuals and small businesses; a set of radio frequencies ordinary people could use to communicate. No connection to the telephone network was permitted or imagined, just people talking directly to each other using wireless. Like Walkie-Talkie users today. Only a simple operating license would be required, however, rules to certify the radio equipment itself took years to develop and were strict. Starting a bad tradition, the bureaucratic F.C.C. took four years to fully implement Citizens Band radio, and then few companies bothered to make radios under the strict rules for the new equipment. By 1952 only 1,401 people had Citizens Band operating licenses, most using converted A.M. military Handie-Talkies. This brings us to an important point: a major factor limiting American radio development has not always been technology but often the policies and delays of the F.C.C.


General Radio Telephone Company MC-5 22 channel Citizens band radio. Used tubes. Old, heavy radios are called boat anchors.


The United States Congress created the Federal Communications Commission in 1934 to regulate telephones, radio, and television. It was part of President Roosevelt's "New Deal" plan to bring America out of the Great Depression. Not content to merely follow congressional dictates, and unfortunately for wireless users, the agency first thought it should promote social change through what it did. To promote the greater good with radio, the F.C.C. gave priority to emergency services, broadcasters, government agencies, utility companies, and other groups it thought served the most people while using the least radio spectrum. This meant few channels for radio-telephones since a single wireless call uses the same bandwidth as an F.M. radio broadcast station. Spectrum at high frequencies contained a great deal of usable space, but the F.C.C. did not approve such large frequency allocations for telephony until the 1970s.

Treating radio like a public utility, something like the railroads, it was thought a public agency could protect the public against monopoly practices and price gouging. But like many bureaucracies, at every opportunity the FCC tried to enlarge its role and power, eventually aligning itself with large communications companies and then actually working against the consumer. The worst examples were outside of telephony, helping the RCA corporation against F.M. broadcasting, ruining Edwin Armstrong in the process, and favoring RCA over Farnsworth, the first real developer of television, leaving him penniless as well. Along the way were maddening delays in approving technical advances and frequency allocations, something that continues to this day.


Police departments across the country quickly converted to F.M. after WWII.

Click here for a larger picture. Warning! -- this is a BIG file

Part A

On June 17, 1946 in Saint Louis, Missouri, AT&T and Southwestern Bell introduced the first American commercial mobile radio-telephone service to private customers. Mobiles used newly issued vehicle radio-telephone licenses granted to Southwestern Bell by the F.C.C. Mobiles operated on six channels in the 150 MHz band. Bad cross channel interference, something like cross talk on a normal telephone line, soon forced the Bell System to use only three channels. No more than 25 people at once could use the system. Operators placed calls for each customer. Despite high costs and constant busy signals, waiting lists developed in every city where radio-telephone service was offered. The chief problem was that the F.C.C. would not make enough channels available for a high capacity mobile telephone system. Still, technology and planning moves on, even if bureaucracies do not.


What might have made up an early mobile telephone; equipment is actually unrelated. "A" is the control head, the mechanism placed inside the cab which controls volume and channel selection. "B" is the microphone, no telephone handset or keypad used. "C" is the actual radio gear, the transceiver, which gets built into the trunk. Massive size, weight and bulk. Click here for closeups

In December 1947 Bell Lab scientists circulated a paper amongst themselves describing a prototype cellular system. It would overcome every limitation of the present mobile telephone service. They now knew everything needed for cellular radio, but it would take hundreds of new frequencies, a digital telephone switch, microprocessors, and digital signal processing circuitry to make this dream a reality. One major step toward completing that dream occurred the next year.

On July 1, 1948 AT&T unveiled the transistor, a joint invention of Bell Laboratories scientists William Shockley, John Bardeen, and Walter Brattain. It would revolutionize every aspect of the telephone industry and all of communications. Some say that it was the greatest invention of the 20th century. One engineer remarked, "Asking us to predict what transistors will do is like asking the man who first put wheels on an ox cart to foresee the automobile, the wristwatch, or the high speed generator." The transistor would dependably amplify and switch signals while producing little heat. Equipment size would be reduced and reliability increased. Hearing aids, radios, phonographs, computers, electronic telephone switching equipment, satellites, and moon rockets would all be improved or made possible because of the transistor.

My writing on the transistor / Michael Riordan's writing on the transistor


The first transistor looking as crude, perhaps, as the first telephone. Click here for a slightly larger photo.

Fostering world wide transistor development was a relaxed patent policy by AT&T. Fearing an anti-monopoly lawsuit by the U.S. States Justice department, the Bell System allowed anyone for $25,000 to use its transistor patents. Starting then in the late 1940s, and continuing for twenty years, radio engineers around the world replaced fragile, bulky, high current vacuum tubes with rugged, miniature, low powered transistor circuits. It was not until the mid 1960s that most electronics eliminated tubes and become all solid state. Still, radio advanced in other ways throughout this period.

In 1950 the PRC-6 Handie-Talkie debuted as a replacement to the badly aging World War II Handie-Talkie. The military's first F.M. hand-held radio, the PRC-6 weighed less than its older brother, used less power, and contained fewer tubes. Few saw actual service in the Korean War, with most battlefield communications using World War II equipment. Then, in 1951 an improved backpack or Walkie-Talkie also began production. The PRC-10 had a range of three to five kilometers. Again, owing to limited numbers being made, few were actually deployed to Korea.


The handheld PRC-6 on the left and the backpack PRC-10 (without the backpack that normally contains it) on the right. Photos are from this great radio resource: http://www.armyradio.co.uk (external link), the place to buy used military radio gear.

On January 31, 1954 a 64 year old man wrote a letter to his wife, dressed for work, and walked out of his 13th floor apartment window, plunging to his death. Colonel Edwin Armstrong, the father of modern radio, and the creator of the first F.M. system, had committed suicide. A brilliant but sensitive man, Armstrong allowed the U.S. military to use his patents royalty-free for the duration of World War II. Before that he played a crucial role in communications during the First World War. He pioneered vacuum tube technology, making it practical, and invented radio circuits that transformed the entire communications industry.

Armstrong rightly believed that F.M. was a revolutionary operating system and that it should replace A.M. equipment for broadcasting. Indeed, no technical reason exists for A.M. broadcasting to continue. A.M., with its static, high power requirements, and fading, continues only because of tradition, bureaucracy, and sloth. Tired and despondent after fighting one patent lawsuit after another against industry giants like RCA, his personal fortune spent on promoting and defending F.M., Armstrong finally gave up and killed himself. Every radio today has circuits Armstrong designed. 1954 also marked happier events.


Edwin Armstrong, radio genius.

In October, 1954 the Regency TR-1 became the world's first commercial transistor radio, using Texas Instrument's new silicon based transistors. Built by the little known American firm Industrial Development Engineer Associates, but actually designed by Texas Instruments, it was followed six months later by Japan's first transistor radio, the Sony TR-52, an experimental set never actually released for sale. In 1957 the Sony TR-63 came to America. These transistor radio receivers were important milestones but both radio-telephone and military radio used higher current to transmit than transistors of that era could handle. Transmitting was still a job best left for tubes and an all transistor Handie-Talkie would have to wait.


Regency's TR-1 (1954) on the left, and Sony's TR-63 (1957) on the right

Radio research and development increased in the late 1950s when America entered the Space Race with the former Soviet Union. One great achievement was the integrated circuit by Jack Kilby of Texas Instruments in 1958. Putting several dozen transistors on a single silicon chip quickly reduced radio size and weight. In that same year the Bell System petitioned the F.C.C. for more conventional radio-telephone channels. Citizens Band had become more popular but people really wanted to communicate by telephone. Every radio-telephone system AT&T maintained was at capacity and there were no more frequencies to service new customers. Worried they would give more power to the Bell System, which had in effect a monopoly on most wired telephones in America, The F.C.C. did not seriously consider their wireless appeal for ten long years.

In 1962 Motorola introduced a fully transistorized two-way radio. The Handie-Talkie HT200 weighed approximately 1 kilogram and was known affectionately by its users as "The Brick." Shortly thereafter, in 1965, the military got the PRR-9, the first all solid state portable for the armed forces. This VHF equipment received but did not transmit, it's companion, the FM PRT-4 transmitter did that. The PRR-9 clipped onto a soldier's helmet. I don't have a photograph of that model in action, but check out this well dressed warrior from 1963; the principle is the same.


By 1968 the U.S. military was using many new portables in the Vietnam War, including tiny models called survival radios that provided communication between downed fliers and rescue services. The greatest change from previous wars was a decision to make voice and data communications secure if needed, hence all radios became encryption ready from that year on.

Extended discussion regarding that mobile telephone photograph

Mobile telephone expert Geoff Fors (external link) comments on the mobile telephone photograph on this page, and the other two images on my Seattle Telephone Museum Page:

"With apologies to the hard working people at the Telephone Museum, the photograph does not depict an old mobile phone, even though it might look like it does."

"The drawer unit (electronics package) is a GE Progress Line BE-33 or WE-33; they look the same, I think this one is a BE. Six volt versions were BA-33 or WA-33. The "B" means Bell System and the "W" means Western Electric. This unit appears to be a BE-33 which is actually a "dispatch" radio made for the Bell System maintenance trucks, and those usually did not have a VS-1 supervisory signalling set (the little stepper decoder). You can see the mostly empty panel inside where the VS-1 normally sits. I have such a radio in the basement. The WE-33 looks the same but came with a Western Electric series 47A head and a VS-1 rotary stepper decoder."

"Sometimes BE-33's were later made into mobile phones by using a Scantlin transistorized decoder which mounted under the car dashboard. The GE Progress Line unit in the photo dates from 1955-58. Bell System radios were for telco maintenance trucks and not true mobile phones. They are usually identified by the white "Bell System" lettering on the case. Only the WE-33 was a true mobile phone. I am not sure if WE-33 Western Electric contract phones said Bell System on the case as well. You would think they would have, but there were some strange protocols at the time."

"The control head above it goes with a Motorola Twin-V conventional two way radio of 1955-57 vintage and has nothing to do with the GE. They are not compatible and were never used together. The mike has nothing to do with any of the other pieces either."

Part B

In 1968 the F.C.C. re-considered the Bell System's ten year old request for 75 MHz of spectrum in the 800 MHz band. The F.C.C. considered it only when waiting lists for radio-telephone service were so backlogged that the government could not ignore them. Yet it would be another eight years before the F.C.C. granted additional spectrum and two years after that before the first trial of a cellular system.


For a much bigger picture of this1AESS master control panel click here

In the mean time, the first digital telephone switches appeared by the mid 1970s. These switches were now quick and smart enough to handle the hundreds and then thousands of simultaneous calls a high capacity mobile telephone system would have to handle. A Western Electric 1AESS is pictured on the right. Microprocessor technology advanced too, decreasing in size and price, increasing in power. Their smaller size let these powerful processors go into not only digital switches but portable equipment like cell phones. Radio prices kept dropping while at the same time capabilities increased.

For more great pictures of various central office switchgear visit this site:
http://www.montagar.com/~patj/phone-switches.htm (external link)

On October 17, 1973, Dr. Martin Cooper for Motorola filed a patent entitled 'Radio telephone system.' It outlined Motorola's first ideas for cellular radio and was given US Patent Number 3,906,166 when it was granted on September 16,1975. In the New York Times photograph above he shows off the earliest handheld model. But it was not until late 1984 that Motorola was allowed to field a commercial cellular telephone system.

For more on the first handheld cellular telephone click here


Modern Citizen's Band transceiver. Operates on 40 channels. Point to point transmission. No connection to the landline telephone network unless manually patched through.

Helped in part by falling electronic prices, America went through a Citizen's Band fad in the mid to late 1970s, with millions buying hand-held and car-mounted two way radios. Such large numbers of people applied for C.B. permits that the F.C.C. could not keep up with the flood of paperwork and consequently dropped all operator license requirements. With no license required and no enforcement of C.B. regulations, Citizens Band ceased being a good way to communicate. Although some truck drivers still use it for highway communications, disturbed people, often shouting obscenities for minutes at a time, now monopolize the C.B. band. But the large number of users showed demand for cellular telephones would be very high. So it was that the first commercial cellular systems were from the beginning a success.

Personal radio spawns dreck. Disco wasn't the only cultural disaster happening in 1978. In that same year Sam Peckinpah produced the abysmal movie Convoy. Subverting the humorous novelty hit Convoy, the movie portrayed desperate people uniting against evil, with C.B. radio as the technology that helped liberate them. Yes, it was as stupid as it sounds.

In 1984 the former Bell System company Ameritech began a cellular system in Chicago, Illinois. Western Electric, Oki Electric, E.F. Johnson and others supplied network equipment and phones. Near Washington, D.C. in that same year another cellular carrier started operating, using Motorola equipment. These were analog systems, sturdy, but featureless compared to today's all digital cellular networks. At first only car-mounted telephones were available, you drove to your local telephone company for installation and service. Portables came out in great number in the mid-1980s.


The first OKI car mounted cellular telephone. Used by Ameritech in the first United States commerical cellular system. Click here for a much larger image

Part C

As their mobiles got smaller and smaller, Motorola cellular telephones featured three major design changes, leading up to the StarTac design of today. The bag, the brick, and the flip proved extremely popular.


Click here for a larger image of the bag phone

A transportable or luggable phone, the bag phone contained a heavy cellular transceiver with a large battery enclosed in a leather bag. Since battery life wasn't good, most people plugged the unit into a car's cigarette lighter and used it while driving. Power output was twice that of the brick, the hand-held cellular phone that borrowed its name from Motorola's first Handie-Talkie. Dwarfing any present hand-held, except perhaps satellite phones, the brick's battery itself was larger than most cell phones on the market today.


Click here for a larger image of the brick phone

When the first digital networks were built Motorola introduced the flip phone, part of their Personal Digital Communicator Series. It could work in analog or digital mode. Many are still being used although the StarTac, introduced in 1996, and now the MicroTac, have since replaced the original flip phone.


Click here for a larger image of the flip phone

For a look at how Ericsson cellular telephones evolved, click here

We discussed how reducing radio size and weight in World War II was less important than the modulation technology hand-helds eventually used: F.M. Today, as every company produces smaller and smaller radios, the technology used to transmit information is the most important development: C.D.M.A. or code division multiple access. Sometimes called spread spectrum or frequency hopping, C.D.M.A., puts bits and pieces of several calls on different frequencies. It's the most efficient technology, allowing more calls in the same spectrum than older digital systems. And where did CDMA start out? Well, you may have guessed the answer.

Spread spectrum was first used during World War II to prevent signals from being jammed. By rapidly changing frequencies the Allies found the Germans could not interfere with their transmissions. This immunity to interference is yet another reason for C.D.M.A.'s great popularity, indeed, the entire wireless world is embracing this technology. When GSM based systems evolve they will use it, as well as the next generation of I-Mode. This new yet old operating method reveals again the important and continuing link between civilian and military communications.

Patent illustration 2,292,387, for a Secret Communication System, utilizing spread spectrum. Co-filed by the movie star Hedy Lamar

Radar: The Invention that Changed the World

How a small group of radar pioneers won the Second World War and launched a technological revolution
by Robert Buderi, Simon & Schuster (C) 1996 Robert Buderi All rights reserved.

BOOK EXCERPT, CHAPTER ONE

The Most Valuable Cargo

"When the members of the Tizard Mission brought one to America in1940, they carried the most valuable cargo ever brought to our shores." --James Phinney Baxter III, Official Historian of the Office of Scientific Research and Development

The black japanned metal deed box could just be seen above thewartime throngs on the shoulder of a railway porter. The small container bobbed along frustratingly out of reach, as Eddie Bowen zigzagged throughthe crowd in hot pursuit. Only moments before, sometime around 8:15 themorning of August 29, 1940, the Welshman had arrived at London's EustonStation with the box safely in his possession. Innocently, Bowen hadhanded it to the porter while gathering up his remaining luggage, thenwatched helplessly as the man headed off to find the 8:30 train to Liverpoolwithout waiting for his customer.

As he struggled to keep the porter in sight, Bowen would not have drawn much attention from busy Londoners. In stature and build he blended into a crowd and would have seemed like any other young man in a hurry. Only his face set him slightly apart. Wavy hair cut short crowned a wide forehead and jaw and gave his head a squared-off look. Old photographs often show an infectious grin spanning the broad tableau. But one could also imagine the weathered visage locked in determination--and that August morning Bowen had reason to be concerned. Just five days short of the war's first anniversary, Britain faced one of her most desperate hours. Bombs were falling nightly on Liverpool, Nazi armies ringed the country from the Norwegian coasts down to France, and an invasion was expected within weeks. As Bowen knew, the seemingly ordinary solicitor's deed box--now visible, now not in Euston's morning rush--held the power to change the course of the conflict.

Inside lay nothing less than the military secrets of Britain--virtually every single technological item the country could bring to bear on the war. Had some freak accident burst the lock off the chest, the platform would have been awash in blueprints and circuit diagrams for rockets, explosives, superchargers, gyroscopic gunsights, submarine detection devices, self- sealing fuel tanks, even the initial germs of the jet engine and the atomic bomb.

Among these treasures, nothing carried the all-pervasive importance of the resonant cavity magnetron, Britain's most closely guarded secret. The black box contained one of the first 12 production copies of the mysterious device--probably the only piece of hardware it sheltered. Small enough to fit in the palm of a hand, the magnetron looked like a clay pigeon used in skeet shooting, with a few wire leads thrown in. Yet, it could spit out pulses of microwave radio energy--on a wavelength of about 10 centimeters--so powerful conventional scientific wisdom still put anything like it years off.

The magnetron was a radar transmitter, one with the potential to bolster British military capabilities almost across the board and give the country the upper hand in what already seemed like a technological war: no one in the country knew it, but the Germans were generally ahead in the radar race until the device arrived on the scene. More immediately to the point, as Bowen chased the porter across the Euston platform, the strange copper disk offered a way to invigorate the strapped British defenses that had been coping with Luftwaffe bombing onslaughts the past six weeks--a softening up before Hitler's planned invasion. Radar, or radio distance finding as Bowen's countrymen called the technology, formed the backbone of these defenses. Imposing towers up to 350 feet tall--the Chain Home station network--lined the country's south and east coasts to provide the only effective early warning of German attacks. These electronic sentries operated round-the-clock, rain or shine, sending out pulses of radio energy and picking up the faint echo from enemy aircraft more than 100 miles away. Radar was basically all the outgunned country had that enabled Fighter Command to husband its too-thin air resources. Without it, planners would have to consider keeping standing patrols aloft, wasting fuel, needlessly fatiguing pilots, and risking being in the wrong place at the wrong time.

Magnetrons represented the next crucial step--a leap, really--in the evolution. The Chain Home stations worked well in daylight, when a pilot's sharp eyes could correct for the several-mile error range inherent in their long operating wavelengths of between 10 and 13 meters. But to cut losses, the Germans were widely expected to move soon to concentrated night attacks, when visibility was slashed dramatically. The British had tried to supplement the chain by installing short-range systems inside fighter aircraft--the idea being once the main network got the interceptors close, airborne radars could carry them the rest of the way--but these remained clumsy and inaccurate. Only the magnetron seemed certain to keep the British well ahead of the game. Its 10-centimeter transmissions ran a mere fifteenth those of standard airborne radars. Fitted into nightfighters, such a device would generate sharper pulses in a tightly concentrated parcel of energy that would fan out far less during the brief journey to an enemy aircraft and back, making it immensely easier for pilots to home in on their quarry even on the darkest nights.

That, though, was only the beginning. Although the magnetron had been invented just eight months earlier by two physicists at the University of Birmingham, its portability and versatility soon summoned visions of putting the beleaguered nation on the offensive. Aircraft equipped with centimeter radar might pick out U-boat periscopes rising under cover of darkness. Lancasters and other bombers could use the extremely short waves the magnetron produced to illuminate the way through the thick cloud cover obscuring Hitler's forces and factories on the European continent, keeping planes flying on days the Royal Air Force would normally be grounded.

Yet for all the device's promise, a series of technical glitches continued to plague its development--the most serious stumbling block being uneven power performance. British industry, with its limited production capacity, and already under the threat of bombardment and invasion, simply could not trust that it alone possessed the capability for correcting the problems and churning out magnetrons in the numbers needed for war.

It was this overriding concern--not just in regards to the cavity magnetron but extended to all the devices in the black box--that brought Bowen to the Euston platform that August morning. Though still four months shy of his 30th birthday, the Welsh physicist ranked as one of Britain's defense pioneers. For the past five years he had labored in some of the island's most isolated spots--sometimes night and day--to develop the Chain Home network and the country's first crude airborne radar systems. As a leading defense scientist he had been tapped to join a top secret government mission aimed largely at convincing the still-uncommitted American government and key industrial officials to pick up where British resources left off. The mission was to sail from Liverpool that night.

To pave the way for the venture, a special team had spent the first two weeks of August rounding up the black box's contents. Bowen himself had visited the General Electric Company research laboratory in the London suburb of Wembley, where he picked out the best working model of the first dozen magnetrons made. He had then carried his selection unescorted on the Underground to the Ministry of Supply headquarters between London's Victoria Embankment and the Strand. At the Ministry, the precious cargo had been placed safely in the black box, remaining under lock and key until the evening of the 28th, when Bowen returned to escort the entire booty to Liverpool. A guard delivered it via the arched doorway on the ministry's back steps. From there, Bowen hailed a taxi to whisk him to the Cumberland Hotel, near Euston at historic Marble Arch.

Because the box would not fit in the hotel safe, Bowen had spent the night with England's greatest military secrets wedged under his bed. In the morning, to add to his discomfort, the cabby taking him to the train station would not allow the small chest inside the taxi, insisting it be placed on the roof. The Welshman had thought all was well when the cab finally reached Euston--but then the fast-footed porter had prolonged his unease.

Bowen didn't catch up with the man until they reached the train. At this point, he knew only that a first class seat had been reserved. But when he found his place, it appeared an entire compartment had been set aside: the blinds were drawn and reserved notices placed on the windows. Intrigued, Bowen sat down to wait for the train to leave, figuring all would become clear on the other end.
A few minutes before departure, a well-dressed and exceptionally trim man with a public school tie entered the compartment. With scarcely a glance around, the man took up the seat diagonally across from Bowen and began reading a newspaper. The mysterious companion didn't speak until a few minutes after the train began edging out of the station--when some late- comers opened the door, happy to have found an empty cabin.

"Out," he ordered. "Don't you see this is specially reserved?"
Bowen was struck not so much by the man's words as the commanding tone of the delivery. "The would-be intruders wilted," he later recalled, "and we had no further interruptions." At that moment, for the first time in a harrowing 16 hours or so, Bowen realized, too, that his precious cargo carried some form of protection.

The journey passed in silence. When the train finally pulled into Liverpool's dockside station, Bowen didn't budge from his seat--following instructions to stay put until an Army escort arrived to pick up the box. His compartment mate also remained in place, ostensibly absorbed in the paper.

At last, a dozen fully armed soldiers marched down the platform and came to a glorious, rifle-slapping halt alongside the car. A sergeant barked some orders, put the group at ease, and dispatched three men to collect the cargo. Bowen watched as Britain's technological pride and joy was carried outside, hoisted onto some shoulders, and marched back down the platform. The display of military exactitude eased the young physicist's mind, but not totally. Telling the story later, he joked, "I was beginning to feel that things were well looked after. Alternatively, if this was the enemy making off with Britain's secrets, they were making a spectacular job of it."

Through all the commands and gesturings, Bowen's mysterious cabin mate still had not uttered not a word. Now the man rolled up his paper, and with a slight nod at his fellow traveler, took his leave.

Bowen also roused himself and shuffled off along Gladstone Dock to find his ship, the Duchess of Richmond. On board the Canadian liner, he joined the main body of what was formally called the British Technical and Scientific Mission to the United States. Informally, and far more commonly, the venture was known as the Tizard Mission, after its organizer Sir Henry Tizard, rector of the Imperial College of Science and Technology and chairman of the government's key scientific committee on air defense.

Tizard, an Oxford-trained chemist, had already made his name as one of Britain's shrewdest scientific visionaries. Beginning in 1935, his Committee for the Scientific Survey for Air Defense had pushed radio direction finding over all other competitors--sound mirrors, infrared detection, balloon barrages. In late 1939, recognizing the need for American assistance in developing radar and other military technologies, he had conceived the idea of an exchange mission with the United States. His proposal had received strong support from Archibald Vivian Hill, the influential Nobel Laureate and joint secretary of the Royal Society, who had gone to America early in 1940 to grease the wheels on the other side of the Atlantic.

The plan hinged on making a full disclosure of the kingdom's technical secrets in the hopes that America, even if it stayed neutral, would gear up its immense industrial machine to help develop and produce them. Initially, many British authorities wanted to trade secret for secret--seeing the exchange as a way to pry loose details of the coveted American Norden bombsight. But after months of in-fighting and wrangling, new Prime Minister Winston Churchill, who had taken over the governmental reins in May 1940 on the heels of the German blitz into western Europe, decided to make the offer with no strings attached--the prevailing view being that American cooperation would be more complete if there were no attempt to barter secret for secret.

So complete was the offering that by the time Eddie Bowen walked along the Liverpool docks that August afternoon, only two items of any note had been held back--some particulars of the jet engine, and details of the latest German magnetic mines used to block British harbors. Besides the crucial cavity magnetron, nearly everything about radar could be found in the black box; and several containers of working sets and components apparently had been sent through separate channels to supplement its contents.

Tizard deliberately restricted the mission to just seven members-- counting himself. Bowen was his hand-picked radar expert. Cambridge University physicist John Cockcroft, architect of one of the world's first proton accelerators, would brief the Americans on the remainder of the technological booty, as well as a few isolated aspects of radar. In addition to the two scientists, each of Britain's three services--the Royal Air Force, the Admiralty, and the Army--contributed an officer with recent combat experience who could talk about military needs. The last member was Arthur Edgar Woodward-Nutt, an Air Ministry official who served as the mission's secretary.

Tizard and one of the mission's military representatives, Group Captain F. L. Pearce of the Royal Air Force, had flown across the Atlantic a few days ahead of the main body to pave the way for the exchange. But the other members would make the crossing with Bowen on the Duchess.
With the black box safely escorted off the train, the Welshman's responsibility had ended. Aboard ship, Woodward-Nutt, the sole member of the entourage allowed access to the chest during the voyage, saw the secret cargo locked in the strong room. He arranged to meet the third officer, who held the keys, in the event of a German attack--so they could dump the rich bounty overboard.

The ship left its mooring that evening, inching down the Mersey river toward the Irish Sea. An air raid hit Liverpool, with a few bomb splashes rocking the boat right after dinner, so the crew anchored down for the night near the river mouth. The Duchess finally set sail the next morning, Friday, August 30. Minesweepers escorted the liner the rest of the way through the Mersey, which was littered with wrecked boats. Later, two destroyers took over, shepherding the liner through heavy seas for a few hours until she built up speed and opened a zigzag course to elude any lurking U-boats.

Tizard mission members passed time aboard ship in the usual way: reading, listening to BBC broadcasts, playing deck games and bingo, watching films in the ship's cinema, and taking brisk walks in the cold North Atlantic air. About 1,000 sailors also took berths on the Duchess, bound to pick up the first aged U.S. destroyers consigned to Britain in exchange for the rights to various naval and air bases. The well-known Cockcroft lectured the bored servicemen on a scientific subject he felt safe to discuss, since it couldn't possibly have a bearing on the war: nuclear energy. He impressed his audience by pronouncing that a cupful of water held enough atomic power to blow a battleship a foot out of the sea. As a separate exercise, Cockcroft also calculated the black box's chances of sinking with the ship should they be struck by an enemy torpedo--and concluded the buoyant cargo would stay afloat. Holes were drilled in each end.

On the evening of September 5, the ship pulled off Newfoundland's Cape Race. The following morning dawned calm and misty as she slipped into Halifax Harbor. Bowen remembered spying an American armored vehicle, "submachine guns bristling from every orifice..." Woodward-Nutt, though, recorded spending several hours on the phone with the British Embassy in Washington, arranging for a Canadian military guard to take the secret equipment to the U.S. border, where it would be turned over to American authorities and transported to the embassy. He personally saw the equipment off early the next day.

At Halifax, Bowen split off from the rest of the group, heading to Ottawa to arrange for officials from Canada's National Research Council to join the exchange--and to locate some of the equipment presumably shipped over earlier. He would catch up with the others in Washington a few days later. The rest of the mission left Nova Scotia by rail at 8:45 the morning of the 7th--changing trains in Boston and arriving in Washington at 5:30 the next evening.

The group met Tizard at the Shoreham Hotel, overlooking Rock Creek Park near the British embassy in northwest Washington. "I was a bit shaken," writes Woodward-Nutt, "to find that the samples and documents that I had seen off so carefully at Halifax had not yet arrived." It took a series of telephone calls to locate the cargo; and the precious container, bearing the cavity magnetron and the technological hopes of an entire nation, finally arrived at the embassy on Monday, September 9, 1940. There, it was locked in the wine cellar and given to the care of the Ambassador's butler, who as far as could be determined possessed the only key.

The Americans anxiously awaited the Tizard mission. It hadn't seemed that way at first. Sir Henry had arrived in Washington on August 22, expecting a welcome mat arranged by A.V. Hill. Instead, he complained to his diary: "No administrative arrangements made for my Mission. No office, no typists, etc. Felt rather annoyed."

The bad taste had not lingered, however. The next day, Tizard huddled with Navy Secretary Franklin Knox to establish the ground rules for the exchange. On the 26th, he received an audience with FDR, who welcomed him but explained that political considerations prevented the U.S. from sharing details of the Norden bombsight. Most important of all, two days later over dinner at the Cosmos Club, an exclusive Lafayette Square haven for the inner circles of science, art, and literature, Tizard met Vannevar Bush.

With his raw-boned face, wire rim glasses, and piercing gaze, the charismatic Bush in many ways formed Tizard's mirror image on the western side of the Atlantic. Scion of seven or eight generations of Cape Cod Yankees, and equipped with a tell-tale Northeastern twang, he could be confidently stamped Made in America--just as Tizard, with his own accent, pince-nez, and somewhat aloof manner, left no doubt of his origins. Like Tizard, Bush hid a hard edge behind a calm demeanor. Like Tizard, too, he was a scientist--an M.I.T. electrical engineer who had pioneered early computing--responsible for marshaling civilian science and technology for war. Few men would match his power during the war years, as his dominion grew to include medical research, the atomic bomb, and virtually all forms of chemical and conventional warfare. "Of the men whose death in the summer of 1940 would have been the greatest calamity for America, the President is first, and Dr. Bush would be second or third," noted the multimillionaire investment banker Alfred Loomis, a Bush friend destined to play a crucial role in the radar story.

Bush had pitched his tent in the nation's capitol since late 1938 as president of the prestigious Carnegie Institution of Washington, a private research organization endowed by steel baron Andrew Carnegie. However, he dined with Tizard as chairman of the National Defense Research Committee, established by presidential order two months earlier to mobilize civilian scientists for war. Bush had created the N.D.R.C. almost through sheer personal will. During World War I, working on submarine detection, he had seen first-hand the distinct lack of cooperation between civilian scientists and the military. So he conceived the idea of establishing a new national committee to bridge the gap. Maneuvering deftly through theWashington maze, he drew on the influential lawyer Oscar Cox, then Commerce Secretary Harry Hopkins, to negotiate an interview with the President. Bush entered the Oval Office on June 12, 1940, entering the meeting carrying a single sheet of paper with a four-paragraph sketch of the proposed agency. Less than ten minutes later, Roosevelt had signed on: "That's okay," he told the feisty engineer. "Put `OK, FDR' on it."

Some Washingtonians complained that the N.D.R.C. represented a power grab by a small band of scientists and engineers working outside established channels. Bush made no bones about it. "That, in fact, is exactly what it was," he once admitted. But his personal mandate from Roosevelt extended to helping the country "excel in the arts of war if that be necessary." And while he respected the military's turf, Bush made certain people never forgot who had issued his orders.

The Carnegie president moved quickly to solidify his power base, bringing in as key lieutenants some old friends and confreres: M.I.T. president Karl Compton, Harvard University president James B. Conant, and Frank B. Jewett, president of the National Academy of Science and Bell Telephone Laboratories. The scientific cabal, Bush co-conspirators in conceiving the N.D.R.C., immediately launched a survey of Army and Navy research activities and began compiling a list of technical jobs to take over-- either because the work had not yet gotten underway, or because once the U.S. abandoned its neutrality the military would have to drop them to meet more pressing demands. At the same time, the men contacted some 775 universities, industrial labs, and non-profit institutions--compiling a roster of personnel and facilities in scientific arenas likely to affect the war. This was "the Bible."

By the time Bush dined with Tizard on August 28, he had mustered his forces into several main divisions, covering everything from armor and ordnance to communications, explosives and patents. Radar matters fell to Karl Compton's Division D--instruments and controls. Since the military survey showed that the Army and Navy both had already made great strides in meter wave radar, the N.D.R.C. adopted as its domain the vague promise of microwaves--naming Alfred Loomis chairman of a special Microwave Committee, Section D-1. It was a natural, insider's choice. Loomis sat on the M.I.T. board and had contributed funds to the institution's general microwave research. Moreover, he was a noted amateur physicist who conducted his own fledgling microwave radar studies on a private estate outside New York City--and therefore appreciated the challenges in store.

While the various N.D.R.C. divisions could probably all delve into the British black box and find interesting treasures, it was on the microwave radar front--a top priority for both groups--that Bush and Tizard found their perfect match. The American possessed the presidential authority to develop the technology. The Englishman had the cavity magnetron.

When the two men met at the Cosmos Club, Bush remained unaware of the magnetron's existence. But he made it his business to know what was going on--and had been tipped off, probably by A. V. Hill, to certain generalities of the British radar bonanza long before the mission arrived. Face to face at last, however, he felt compelled to advise Tizard that although the N.D.R.C. welcomed a meeting with the British mission, the two groups should keep their distance until the U.S. military opened the talks: that way, Washington insiders could not accuse them of plotting some sort of conspiracy. Once the exchange was formally underway, Bush would take steps to correct the situation.

Tizard took the cue. While waiting for the N.D.R.C. to be let in on the talks, he and Bush met several times "behind the barn," as the wily engineer called it. It is not clear what transpired between the two men, so alike and so seemingly destined to forge a new bond. Most likely they covered general logistics, hinting at the shape of things to come in the clubby ways at which both were so adept. In any case, as his entourage began sharing extensive details on longwave radar and other subjects with U.S. military representatives in early September, Tizard managed to give the impression of an extraordinary advance without revealing the secret of the cavity magnetron--even when the Navy showed its visitors an experimental, extremely low-powered, 10-centimeter radar system. It wasn't until September 16 that Vannevar Bush won formal approval from both the Army and Navy for the N.D.R.C. to join the exchange. Only then did Sir Henry play his trump card.

The British disclosed the existence of the cavity magnetron at the first extensive contact between the Tizard Mission and N.D.R.C. members--a party hosted by Alfred Loomis the night of September 19 at the Wardman Park Hotel. The rambling 1,800-room megacomplex dominated the southeast corner of Connecticut Avenue and Woodley Road, just a stone's throw from the Shoreham, where Tizard had set up shop in an office suite swept daily for bugs.

Eddie Bowen and John Cockcroft showed up at Loomis' rooms around nine o'clock. Bowen had returned from Canada the night of the 11th--and the two men had spent the past week detailing British longwave radar accomplishments to American military officials at the War Department and nearby Naval Research Laboratory. Among the disclosures were technical details of the Chain Home early warning stations already doing yeoman's service in the Battle of Britain; radio homing beacons; submarine-hunting radars; and Identification Friend or Foe, a radio signal carried in planes designed to help radar operators distinguish "friendlies" from the enemy.

The exchange had proven interesting, but only marginally useful to the British. Going into the meetings, both sides were convinced the other could not possible possess radar. But as they quickly discovered, each had invented the technology independently in the mid-1930s, within a few months of each other: in fact, the British Chain Home Low, which guarded against low-flying planes, turned out to be virtually identical to the U.S. Navy's CXAM radar, operating on the same frequency and sharing several other technical features. As far as anything the British could use in the war effort, however, pickings were slim. The Americans did enjoy an edge in receiver technology. But at the same time, the U.S. had not developed airborne radars or anything like IFF--and the few other systems in existence had seen little operational use.

If Bowen and Cockcroft were hoping for more on the microwave front from contact with Loomis' group, they were not disappointed. Vannevar Bush himself was not on hand: he preferred to delegate authority and leave his lieutenants alone. However, besides the host the small gathering included Carroll Wilson, Bush's personal assistant and alter ego, Karl Compton, and Admiral Harold Bowen, director of the Naval Research Lab. The admiral, who had earlier authored an internal memo discounting the idea of British radar, apparently harbored ongoing misgivings about the exchange. He appeared to drink heavily at the party, but Compton suspected his colleague of feigning to be farther gone than he really was in order to avoid sharing information.

The British sensed such misgivings. "I still remember the rather doubtful opening with the U.S. officers suspicious as to whether we were putting all our cards on the table," Cockcroft remembered. The Americans showed their hand first, though, detailing an exhaustive survey of the nation's general microwave research that Loomis and Compton had conducted over the summer. It soon became clear to Bowen and Cockcroft that for the 10- centimeter waves emitted by the cavity magnetron, Bell Telephone Laboratories and General Electric both could contribute a lot to receiver technology. Bell Labs, Stanford University, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, they were told, also conducted advanced research in microwave waveguides and horn-shaped antennas. The British physicists found the information exceedingly helpful in pinpointing areas to visit.

Their hosts, however, confessed to being at loose ends trying to find a transmitter tube able to generate enough power to make for a feasible centimeter radar system. By the time of Loomis' party, a stymied Microwave Committee had steeled itself to write a report--a sure sign, as one member explained, "that we didn't know what to do next."

Bowen and Cockcroft quietly pulled out the cavity magnetron--by one account, they typically carried the device in a small wooden box whose lid was fastened by thumbscrews--and told their dumbfounded listeners that it could generate 10 kilowatts of power at ten centimeters, roughly 1,000 times the output of the best U.S. tube on the same wavelength. In one fell swoop, the disclosure dispelled any tension left in the room--and from that point on, things went smoothly.

"It was a gift from the gods we disclosed to Alfred Loomis and Karl Compton," Bowen boasted late in life. The financier swiftly embraced the offering, inviting his new-found friends to Tuxedo Park, the posh retreat about 35 miles northwest of New York City where he had built his private laboratory. It was time for mere mortals to get to work.

------------------------------------

"The first radar stations used aerials over 100 m in height to produce a directional beam of radio waves. But if aerials were much smaller and could be steered, they would be much more useful. However, to make smaller aerials meant using radio waves of shorter wavelengths. The cavity magnetron was created to generate such waves. J T Randall and H A H Boot of the Physics Department, Birmingham University, made the first cavity magnetron work in February 1940. Today cavity magnetrons are used in microwave cookers as well as for detecting radio waves reflected from a flying aircraft. . . ."

Radio Telephone

What was used before cellular: IMTS and MTS

By Michael Losse:
"The hardware associated with this technology was massive by today's standard. The mobile units could weight 20 or 30 pounds and consume 30 or so amperes while in use. If the stereo was on, the 'spike' on the vehicle's DC power supply would almost destroy the speaker. I remember an old IMTS unit I had installed in a small sports car. It was easy to tell when the mobile telephone was about to ring because the vehicle's headlights would dim . . ."

"Improved Mobile Telephone Service, or IMTS, replaced [the earlier] Mobile Telephone Service and allowed a mobile subscriber to directly dial a telephone number. The design objective . . . was to maximize the operating range for a mobile telephone user. A single set of channels was intended to cover as much area as possible. To facilitate this, high powered transmitters operating on relatively low frequencies were used. These factors allowed system operators to cover the largest areas for the least amount of money."

"The system operators were companies licensed to provide mobile telephone carriers, much like the cellular carriers of today. In most major cities, serviced was provided by the local Bell Telephone Company, and a few private companies, sometimes called radio common carriers (or RCCs). Customers had the choice of selecting the carrier that provided the service they needed. However, the service was expensive, and the quality of the connection was poor."

From The Cellular Telephone Installation Handbook, by Michael Losse, Quantam Publishing, 1988.

Motorola TLD-1100 "MJ" IMTS Telephone, 1963. The text reads:

CONFORMS TO ALL IMPROVED MOBILE TELEPHONE SYSTEM REQUIREMENTS INCLUDING: Full 11-Channel Capacity for Unlimited Roaming; Automatic Channel Hunting; Home, Roaming or Manual Operation

PROVIDES BONUS PERFORMANCE FROM ALL SOLID STATE, BUILT IN MOBILE SUPERVISORY UNIT: Totally Silent Operation; Easy Installation of The One-Package Design; Minimum Maintenance from The Solid State Circuitry

Used in Bell territories. Equipment below used in some non-Bell territories.

GTE DTD/DTO Mobile Telephone. Illustration shows the dial control unit, manual control unit, a power/control cable, and the transceiver itself, along with the antenna.

By Geoff Fors:

"This unit is not IMTS but a 1962 manual, operator-assisted 'MTS' radio while the DTD was a 'Dial' radiotelephone. 'Dial' was a proprietary system built by Secode and GE which allowed direct dialing and automatic terminal operation, but it wasn't compatible with anybody else's system. It didn't offer marked idle or channel hunting as IMTS did. Independents (principally REA co-ops and Con-Tel) used 'Dial.' I am not aware of any Bell affiliate which ever used it. Con-Tel in southeastern California was still using Dial up into the early 1980's. Dial is not compatible at all with IMTS, but it is compatible (partially) with MTS. As far as I know, the last Dial phone manufactured was the GE MASTR series (1972), which came in MTS, MTS/IMTS, Dial or 'Identified Dial.' -- Geoff Fors

Product literature scans courtesy of Geoff Fors who maintains this remarkable page:

MOTOROLA EARLY LAND MOBILE EQUIPMENT INDEX, 1938-1946

http://www.mbay.net/~wb6nvh/Motadata.htm

Geoff is an ardent mobile radio enthusiast, please visit his site soon.

More IMTS madness? Of course. Take a look at a company newsletter describing the 1982 cutover in Pac Bell land:
Page One / Page Two / Page Three / Page Four

Triode Tube History

Empire of The Air: The Men Who Made Radio


By Tom Lewis, HarperCollins (C) 1991 Tom Lewis All rights reserved.

THE WILL TO SUCCEED

". . . By 1880, Edison had created a lamp that glowed brightly when direct current passed through its carbon filament in a vacuum. But he found that over time particles of the carbon were transferred to the glass. In experiments to correct the fault, the inventor learned that electric current could flow from the filament through the vacuum surrounding it to a positively charged metal plate, a process later dubbed the "Edison effect"meaning that no one could explain precisely how the process worked. Furthermore, the amount of current that flowed from the filament to the plate stood in direct proportion to the incandescence of the lamp. He noted his findings in a patent that showed how such a modified lamp might measure the flow of electrical current. But the date was 1883, half a decade before Hertz's experiments, and fourteen years before an English physicist named Joseph John Thomson discovered the existence of the electron. Besides, the untheoretical Edison believed inventive genius to be "one percent inspiration and ninety-nine percent perspiration." Decidedly uninspired at this point, he saw little commercial value for his discovery. Without further speculation, Edison proceeded with his quest to perfect the electric lamp.

John Ambrose Fleming, then an employee of the Edison Company in London, knew of the inventor's patent. His studies of the same carbon deposits led him to publish four papers on the subject to the Royal Society between 1883 and 1896. But then, diverted by other work, Fleming suspended his inquiry for nearly eight years. In 1904, when he had become scientific adviser for the Marconi Company, he was charged with the job of creating a new detector of wireless waves.

"Why not try the lamps?" Fleming remembered thinking years later. This time, working with the alternating current of wireless waves, he made a remarkable discovery: while the current flowing into the filament alternated between a positive and negative charge, the current leaving the lamp from the metal plate was direct. Fleming's bulb was acting as a valve that allowed only the negative electrons to pass. Indeed, he entitled his patent an "instrument for converting alternating electric currents into continuous currents," and he called his bulb an "oscillation valve." Fleming's valve stands as a dramatic achievement. The electrons liberated by Marconi's spark gap transformer imperceptibly traveled through the air at the speed of light. Now they could be captured and converted into direct current through the agency of a small filament and plate in a little glass bulb. From there the current could flow into an earphone and become a perceptible sound once again. Fleming had created a new detector of wireless waves, one that worked with a modified Edison effect lamp.


The Fleming valve. "The valve consists of an incandescent electric lamp comprising a filament (F) of carbon, tungsten, or other material which can be made incandescent by an electric current. Around the filament, but not touching it, is a cylinder of metal (C). The electrical connection to the cylinder is brought out through the side of the glass enclosure." J. Jenkins

The above description and diagram was from John Jenkins excellent site: http://www.halcyon.com/johnj/radios/FLEMING.HTM (Now a dead link)

(This illustration is not in the book.)

In the spring of 1905, Fleming published his discovery for the Royal Society, but the tube was a crude apparatus and needed more study to be practical. If he had had more encouragement, Fleming might possibly have developed-the potential of his tube, but in this he was thwarted by his employer. The Marconi Company, which held all rights to his patent, was more interested in developing galena crystal as a detector. Instead, two years later, Lee de Forest took the fame and some of the fortune for Fleming's work.

De Forest always avoided acknowledging Edison's and Fleming's obvious antecedents to his own work. Though he read voraciously in scientific periodicals at Talladega, at the Chittenden Library at Yale, at the John Crerar Library in Chicago, among others, and though he subscribed to technical periodicals, he steadfastly claimed ignorance of their discoveries.

Since 1900, de Forest had occasionally experimented with the possibility that heat from a gas burner created electrical vibrations. Early in 1905, after Fessenden had launched his suit and de Forest realized he might be forced to abandon his spade detector, he intensified his tests and took out patents on several "oscillation responsive" devices, which used a gas flame. No evidence suggests these inventions ever worked, but patent them he did. In the late summer of 1905, he read Fleming's article on his valve in the Proceedings of the Royal Society.

Late that fall, an assistant brought a bulb about the shape of a small pear to Henry W. McCandless at 67 Park Place in New York City and asked him to duplicate it. A manufacturer whose principal trade was making automobile lamps for Westinghouse and General Electric's Mazda [the original name for Edison's line of bulbs, ed.], McCandless had no difficulty meeting this special order. With a brass candelabra screw base and a carbon filament, the lamp resembled others available at the time. But there was one significant difference: beside the filament inside the bulb was a nickel plate. To that was attached a short wire that protruded through the top of the glass. The assistant explained that it was a Fleming valve. On December 9 that year, de Forest took out a patent on a "static valve for wireless telegraph systems." Five weeks later, he made another application for a similar tube and circuit; this time he ran wires from a small battery to both the filament and plate. This he called the "audion," and he claimed in a talk to a gathering of the American Institute of Electrical Engineers in New York on October 26, 1906, that his tube was "a new receiver for wireless telegraphy."

All that de Forest had developed thus far bore a remarkable resemblance to the valve Fleming had described to the Royal Society in 1905. He had introduced the use of a battery on the plate as well as the filament circuit, but that was all. Nor was de Forest's change necessarily an improvement, for the small positive charge of electrons flowing from the filament to the plate was no match for the positive charge of electrons flowing to the plate from the battery. What came next, however, was de Forest's idea alone, and without question will endure as the inventors greatest insight.

Click here for my drawings, history, and explanation of the vacuum tube

On November 25, 1906, after further experiments and several false starts, de Forest ordered another tube from McCandless. The specifications called for three elements: a filament a plate, and, interposed between the two, as close to the filament as possible, another nickel wire. As was the case with the other wires, it too was drawn out through the side of the lamp. When this wire was positively charged, de Forest found it would attract the stream of positive electrons flowing from the filament, accelerate them, and send them toward the plate, and the more positive the charge, the greater the charge on the plate circuit.

Detail from the constantly amended patent on the audion. (Illustration not in the book.)

On the suggestions of John Grogan, one of McCandless's assistants, de Forest decided to bend the wire zigzag fashion in order to create a greater surface to accelerate the electrons flowing from the filament. To this de Forest gave the name "grid." Now he could regulate the flow of electrons from the filament to the plate and amplify them. Precisely how the filament, grid, and plate worked, he was not sure. The theories he did propose about their action were in fact incorrect. But the sounds coming from his earphones showed that his audion did work. With the simple addition of a plate to Fleming's tube, modem electronics was born.

Transistor History

MICHAEL RIORDAN AND LILLIAN HODDESON
Crystal Fire
The Invention of the Transistor and the Birth of the Information Age

An Excerpt, Part 2 of 3

Original URL: http://www.wwnorton.com/catalog/fall98/riordan2.htm

DAWN OF AN AGE

William Shockley was extremely agitated. Speeding through the frosty hills west of Newark on the morning of December 23, 1947, he hardly noticed the few vehicles on the narrow country road leading to Bell Telephone Laboratories. His mind was on other matters.

Arriving just after seven, Shockley parked his MG convertible in the company lot, bounded up two flights of stairs, and rushed through the deserted corridors to his office. That afternoon his research team was to demonstrate a promising new electronic device to his boss. He had to be ready. An amplifier based on a semiconductor, he knew, could ignite a revolution. Lean and hawk-nosed, his temples graying and his thinning hair slicked back from a proud, jutting forehead, Shockley had dreamed of inventing such a device for almost a decade. Now his dream was about to come true.

About an hour later, John Bardeen and Walter Brattain pulled up at this modern research campus in Murray Hill, New Jersey, twenty miles from New York City. Members of Shockley's solid-state physics group, they had made the crucial breakthrough a week before. Using little more than a tiny, nondescript slab of the element germanium, a thin plastic wedge, and a shiny strip of gold foil, they had boosted an electrical signal almost a hundredfold.

Soft-spoken and cerebral, Bardeen had come up with the key ideas, which were quickly and skillfully implemented by the genial Brattain, a salty, silver-haired man who liked to tinker with equipment almost as much as he loved to gab. Working shoulder to shoulder for most of the prior month, day after day except on Sundays, they had finally coaxed their curious-looking gadget into operation.

That Tuesday morning, while Bardeen completed a few calculations in his office, Brattain was over in his laboratory with a technician, making last-minute checks on their amplifier. Around one edge of a triangular plastic wedge, he had glued a small strip of gold foil, which he carefully slit along this edge with a razor blade. He then pressed both wedge and foil down into the dull-gray germanium surface with a makeshift spring fashioned from a paper clip. Less than an inch high, this delicate contraption was clamped clumsily together by a U-shaped piece of plastic resting upright on one of its two arms. Two copper wires soldered to edges of the foil snaked off to batteries, transformers, an oscilloscope, and other devices needed to power the gadget and assess its performance.

Occasionally, Brattain paused to light a cigarette and gaze through blinds on the window of his clean, well-equipped lab. Stroking his mustache, he looked out across a baseball diamond on the spacious rural campus to a wooded ridge of the Watchung Mountains worlds apart from the cramped, dusty laboratory he had occupied in New York City before the war. Slate-colored clouds stretched off to the horizon. A light rain began to fall.

At forty-five, Brattain had come a long way from his years as a roughneck kid growing up in the Columbia River basin. As a sharpshooting teenager, he helped his father grow corn and raise cattle on the family homestead in Tonasket, Washington, close to the Canadian border. "Following three horses and a harrow in the dust," he often joked, "was what made a physicist out of me."

Brattain's interest in the subject was sparked by two professors at Whitman College, a small liberal-arts college in the southeastern corner of the state. It carried him through graduate school at Oregon and Minnesota to a job in 1929 at Bell Labs, where he had remained happy to be working at the best industrial research laboratory in the world.

Bardeen, a thirty-nine-year-old theoretical physicist, could hardly have been more different. Often lost in thought, he came across as very shy and self-absorbed. He was extremely parsimonious with his words, parceling them out softly in a deliberate monotone as if each were a precious gem never to be squandered. "Whispering John" some of his friends called him. But whenever he spoke, they listened. To many, he was an oracle.

Raised in a large academic family, the second son of the dean of the University of Wisconsin medical school, Bardeen had been intellectually precocious. He grew up among the ivied dorms and the sprawling frat houses lining the shores of Lake Mendota near downtown Madison, the state capital. Entering the university at fifteen, he earned two degrees in electrical engineering and worked a few years in industry before heading off to Princeton in 1933 to pursue a Ph.D. in physics.

In the fall of 1945, Bardeen took a job at Bell Labs, then winding down its wartime research program and gearing up for an expected postwar boom in electronics. He initially shared an office with Brattain, who had been working on semiconductors since the early 1930s, and soon became intrigued by these curious materials, whose electrical properties were just beginning to be understood. Poles apart temperamentally, the two men became fast friends, often playing a round of golf together at the local country club on weekends.

Shortly after lunch that damp December day, Bardeen joined Brattain in his laboratory. Outside, the rain had changed to snow, which was beginning to accumulate. Shockley arrived about ten minutes later, accompanied by his boss, acoustics expert Harvey Fletcher, and Bell's research director, Ralph Bown a tall, broad-shouldered man fond of expensive suits and fancy bow ties.

"The Brass," thought Bardeen a little contemptuously, using a term he had picked up from wartime work with the Navy. Certainly these two executives would appreciate the commercial promise of this device. But could they really understand what was going on inside that shiny slab of germanium? Shockley might be comfortable rubbing elbows and bantering with the higher-ups, but Bardeen would rather be working on the physics he loved.

After a few words of explanation, Brattain powered up his equipment. The others watched the luminous spot that was racing across the oscilloscope screen jump and fall abruptly as he switched the odd contraption in and out of the circuit using a toggle switch. From the height of the jump, they could easily tell it was boosting the input signal many times whenever it was included in the loop. And yet there wasn't a single vacuum tube in the entire circuit!

Then, borrowing a page from the Bell history books, Brattain spoke a few impromptu words into a microphone. They watched the sudden look of surprise on Bown's bespectacled face as he reacted to the sound of Brattain's gravelly voice booming in his ears through the headphones. Bown passed them to Fletcher, who shook his head in wonder shortly after putting them on.

For Bell Telephone Laboratories, it was an archetypal moment. More than seventy years earlier, a similar event had occurred in the attic of a boardinghouse in Boston, Massachusetts, when Alexander Graham Bell uttered the words, "Mr. Watson, come here. I want you."

1

DAWN OF AN AGE, continued, An Excerpt, Part 3 of 3

IN THE WEEKS that followed, however, Shockley was torn by conflicting emotions. The invention of the transistor, as Bardeen and Brattain's solid-state amplifier soon came to be called, had been a "magnificent Christmas present" for his group and especially for Bell Labs, which had staunchly supported their basic research program. But he was chagrined to have had no direct role in this crucial breakthrough. "My elation with the group's success was tempered by not being one of the inventors," he recalled many years later. "I experienced frustration that my personal efforts, started more than eight years before, had not resulted in a significant inventive contribution of my own."

Growing up in Palo Alto and Hollywood, the only son of a well-to-do mining engineer and his Stanford-educated wife, Bill Shockley had been raised to consider himself special a leader of men, not a follower. His interest in science was stimulated during his boyhood by a Stanford professor who lived in the neighborhood. It flowered at Cal Tech, where he majored in physics before heading east in 1932 to seek a Ph.D. at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. There he dived headlong into the Wonderland world of quantum mechanics, where particles behave like waves and waves like particles, and began to explore how streams of electrons trickle through crystalline materials such as ordinary table salt. Four years later, when Bell Labs lifted its Depression-era freeze on new employees, the cocky young Californian was the first new physicist hired.

With the encouragement of Mervin Kelly, then Bell's research director, Shockley began seeking ways to fashion a rugged solid-state device to replace the balky, unreliable switches and amplifiers commonly used in phone equipment. His familiarity with the weird quantum world gave him a decided advantage in this quest. In late 1939 he thought he had come up with a good idea to stick a tiny bit of weathered copper screen inside a piece of semiconductor. Although skeptical, Brattain helped him build this crude device early the next year. It proved a complete failure.

Far better insight into the subtleties of solids was needed and much purer semiconductor materials, too. World War II interrupted Shockley's efforts, but wartime research set the stage for major breakthroughs in electronics and communications once the war ended. Stepping in as Bell Labs vice president, Kelly recognized these unique opportunities and organized a solid-state physics group, installing his ambitious protégé as its co-leader.

Soon after returning to the Labs in early 1945, Shockley came up with another design for a semiconductor amplifier. Again, it didn't work. And he couldn't understand why. Discouraged, he turned to other projects, leaving the conundrum to Bardeen and Brattain. In the course of their research, which took almost two years, they stumbled upon a different and successful way to make such an amplifier.

Their invention quickly spurred Shockley into a bout of feverish activity. Galled at being upstaged, he could think of little else besides semiconductors for over a month. Almost every moment of free time he spent on trying to design an even better solid-state amplifier, one that would be easier to manufacture and use. Instead of whooping it up with other scientists and engineers while attending two conferences in Chicago, he spent New Year's Eve cooped up in his hotel room with a pad and a few pencils, working into the early morning hours on yet another of his ideas.

By late January 1948 Shockley had figured out the important details of his own design, filling page after page of his lab notebook. His approach would use nothing but a small strip of semiconductor material silicon or germanium with three wires attached, one at each end and one in the middle. He eliminated the delicate "point contacts" of Bardeen and Brattain's unwieldy contraption (the edges of the slit gold foil wrapped around the plastic wedge). Those, he figured, would make manufacturing difficult and lead to quirky performance. Based on boundaries or "junctions" to be established within the semiconductor material itself, his amplifier should be much easier to mass-produce and far more reliable.

But it took more than two years before other Bell scientists perfected the techniques needed to grow germanium crystals with the right characteristics to act as transistors and amplify electrical signals. And not for a few more years could such "junction transistors" be produced in quantity. Meanwhile, Bell engineers plodded ahead, developing point-contact transistors based on Bardeen and Brattain's ungainly invention. By the middle of that decade, millions of dollars in new equipment based on this device was about to enter the telephone system.

Still, Shockley had faith that his junction approach would eventually win out. He had a brute confidence in the superiority of his ideas. And rarely did he miss an opportunity to tell Bardeen and Brattain, whose relationship with their abrasive boss rapidly soured. In a silent rage, Bardeen left Bell Labs in 1951 for an academic post at the University of Illinois. Brattain quietly got himself reassigned elsewhere within the labs, where he could pursue research on his own. The three men crossed paths again in Stockholm, where they shared the 1956 Nobel prize in physics for their invention of the transistor. The tension eased a bit after that but not much.

BY THE MID-1950S physicists and electrical engineers may have recognized the transistor's significance, but the general public was still almost completely oblivious. The millions of radios, television sets, and other electronic devices produced every year by such grayflannel giants of American industry as General Electric, Philco, RCA, and Zenith came in large, clunky boxes powered by balky vacuum tubes that took a minute or so to warm up before anything could happen. In 1954 the transistor was largely perceived as an expensive laboratory curiosity with only a few specialized applications such as hearing aids and military communications.

But that year things started to change dramatically. A small, innovative Dallas company began producing junction transistors for portable radios, which hit U.S. stores at $49.95. Texas Instruments curiously abandoned this market, only to see it cornered by a tiny, little-known Japanese company called Sony. Transistor radios you could carry around in your shirt pocket soon became a minor status symbol for teenagers in the suburbs sprawling across the American landscape. After Sony started manufacturing TV sets powered by transistors in the 1960s, U.S. leadership in consumer electronics began to wane.

Vast fortunes would eventually be made in an obscure valley south of San Francisco then filled with apricot orchards. In 1955 Shockley left Bell Labs for California, intent on making the millions he thought he deserved, founding the first semiconductor company in the valley. He lured top-notch scientists and engineers away from Bell and other companies, ambitious men like himself who soon jumped ship to start their own firms. What became famous around the world as Silicon Valley began with Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory, the progenitor of hundreds of companies like it, many of them far more successful.

The transistor has indeed proved to be what Shockley so presciently called the "nerve cell" of the Information Age. Hardly a unit of electronic equipment can be made today without it. Many thousands and even millions of them are routinely packed with other microscopic specks onto slim crystalline slivers of silicon called microprocessors, better known as microchips. By 1961 transistors were the foundation of a billion-dollar semiconductor industry whose sales were doubling almost every year. Over three decades later, the computing power that had once required rooms full of bulky electronic equipment is now easily loaded into units that can sit on a desktop, be carried in a briefcase, or even rest in the palm of one's hand. Words, numbers, and images flash around the globe almost instantaneously via transistor-powered satellites, fiber-optic networks, cellular phones, and telefax machines. Through their landmark efforts, Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley had struck the first glowing sparks of a great technological fire that has raged through the rest of the century and shows little sign of abating. Cheap, portable, and reliable equipment based on transistors can now be found in almost every village and hamlet in the world. This tiny invention has made the world a far smaller and more intimate place than ever before.

NOBODY COULD HAVE forseen the coming revolution when Ralph Bown announced the new invention on June 30, 1948, at a press conference held in the aging Bell Labs headquarters on West Street, facing the Hudson River opposite the bustling Hoboken Ferry. "We have called it the Transistor," he began, slowly spelling out the name, "because it is a resistor or semiconductor device which can amplify electrical signals as they are transferred through it." Comparing it to the bulky vacuum tubes that served this purpose in virtually every electrical circuit of the day, he told reporters that the transistor could accomplish the very same feats and do them much better, wasting far less power.

But the press paid little attention to the small cylinder with two flimsy wires poking out of it that was being demonstrated by Bown and his staff that sweltering summer day. None of the reporters suspected that the physical process silently going on inside this innocuous-looking metal tube, hardly bigger than the rubber erasers on the ends of their pencils, would utterly transform their world.

Editors at the New York Times were intrigued enough to mention the breakthrough in the July 1 issue, but they buried the story on page 46 in "The News of Radio." After noting that Our Miss Brooks would replace the regular CBS Monday-evening program Radio Theatre that summer, they devoted a few paragraphs to the new amplifier.

"A device called a transistor, which has several applications in radio where a vacuum tube ordinarily is employed, was demonstrated for the first time yesterday at Bell Telephone Laboratories," began the piece, noting that it had been employed in a radio receiver, a telephone system, and a television set. "In the shape of a small metal cylinder about a half-inch long, the transistor contains no vacuum, grid, plate or glass envelope to keep the air away," the column continued. "Its action is instantaneous, there being no warm-up delay since no heat is developed as in a vacuum tube."

Perhaps too much other news was breaking that sultry Thursday morning. Turnstiles on the New York subway system, which until midnight had always droned to the dull clatter of nickels, now marched only to the music of dimes. Subway commuters responded with resignation. Idlewild Airport opened for business the previous day in the swampy meadowlands just east of Brooklyn, supplanting La Guardia as New York's principal destination for international flights. And the hated Red Sox had beaten the world-champion Yankees 7 to 3.

Earlier that week, the gathering clouds of the Cold War had darkened dramatically over Europe after Soviet occupation forces in eastern Germany refused to allow Allied convoys to carry any more supplies into West Berlin. The United States and Britain responded to this blockade with a massive airlift. Hundreds of transport planes brought the thousands of tons of food and fuel needed daily by the more than 2 million trapped citizens. All eyes were on Berlin. "The incessant roar of the planes that typical and terrible 20th Century sound, a voice of cold, mechanized anger filled every ear in the city," reported Time. An empire that soon encompassed nearly half the world's population seemed awfully menacing that week to a continent weary of war.

To almost everyone who knew about it, including its two inventors, the transistor was just a compact, efficient, rugged replacement for vacuum tubes. Neither Bardeen nor Brattain foresaw what a crucial role it was about to play in computers, although Shockley had an inkling. In the postwar years electronic digital computers, which could then be counted on the fingers of a single hand, occupied large rooms and required teams of watchful attendants to replace the burned-out elements among their thousands of overheated vacuum tubes. Only the armed forces, the federal government, and major corporations could afford to build and operate such gargantuan, power-hungry devices.

Five decades later the same computing power is easily crammed inside a pocket calculator costing around $10, thanks largely to microchips and the transistors on which they are based. For the amplifying action discovered at Bell Labs in 1947­1948 actually takes place in just a microscopic sliver of semiconductor material and in stark contrast to vacuum tubes produces almost no wasted heat. Thus the transistor has lent itself readily to the relentless miniaturization and the fantastic cost reductions that have put digital computers at almost everybody's fingertips. Without the transistor, the personal computer would have been inconceivable, and the Information Age it spawned could never have happened. Linked to a global communications network that has itself undergone a radical transformation due to transistors, computers are now revolutionizing the ways we obtain and share information. Whereas our parents learned about the world by reading newspapers and magazines or by listening to the baritone voice of Edward R. Murrow on their radios, we can now access far more information at the click of a mouse and from a far greater variety of sources. Or we witness earthshaking events like the fall of the Soviet Union amid the comfort of our living rooms, often the moment they occur and without interpretation.

While Russia is no longer the looming menace it was during the Cold War, nations that have embraced the new information technologies based on transistors and microchips have flourished. Japan and its retinue of developing East Asian countries increasingly set the world's communications standards, manufacturing much of the necessary equipment. Television signals penetrate an ever-growing fraction of the globe via satellite. Banks exchange money via rivers of ones and zeroes flashing through electronic networks all around the world. And boy meets girl over the Internet.

No doubt the birth of a revolutionary artifact often goes unnoticed amid the clamor of daily events. In half a century's time, the transistor, whose modest role is to amplify electrical signals, has redefined the meaning of power, which today is based as much upon the control and exchange of information as it is on iron or oil. The throbbing heart of this sweeping global transformation is the tiny solid-state amplifier invented by Bardeen, Brattain, and Shockley. The crystal fire they ignited during those anxious postwar years has radically reshaped the world and the way its inhabitants now go about their daily lives.
MICHAEL RIORDAN AND LILLIAN HODDESON

Crystal Fire: The Invention of the Transistor & the Birth of the Information Age by Michael Riordan
Link to Amazon

Western Electric Company

[Editor's note: At the height of its growth the Bell System employed over one million people, employing them in thousands of different jobs. E-mail me if you would like to tell your story here. Independent telephone employees are also welcome, indeed, it is much more difficult to get information on the work the Independents did than with Bell.]

Work at WECO's Refurbishing Plant in the early 1970s, by Frank Harrell

Frank's site is here: http://nps-vip.net/

I worked for the C&P Telephone company in Northern Virginia in the early 1970s. (C&P stands for The Chesapeake and Potomac Telephone Company.) Specifically I worked within the Western Electric refurbishing plant near the Pentagon which is now a Costco, a large, warehouse type department store. We processed all the phone equipment that was removed from houses and businesses within the C&P area, that being the District of Columbia, Virginia, Maryland, West Virginia, and Delaware.

The phones would be dumped on a conveyer and we had to pick each one up, check its type number and color, sort them to specific chutes, then match them to a computer punch card. They then went to Western Electric for cleaning and repair. Equipment other than the standard phones, were handled in separate areas. We swapped work positions around every week. We processed an average of 14,000 phone sets a day. Terrible job. Let me first talk about the building itself, and then the work we did there.

The building as it stands now is between Hayes Street and Fern Street in Arlington, Virginia. The site is about a half mile south of the Pentagon.

It is now a mall called Pentagon Mall, with stores such as Costco, Marshals, Borders, Linen 'n Things, Best Buy, and a bunch of small shops. While there today, we didn't go into Costco but looked in the door. It appears that the remodel did very little to the warehouse area except to remove equipment, paint and replace the lights. The ceiling and walls still look exactly as they do in my 1972 photos.

The photograph above is the back of the building which shows the old receiving dock where I worked. Most of the bays are now bricked up. The 5 bays to the far right were the loading bays. This entire area, about 1/4 of the building, is now the Costco store.

The photo below shows the South side of the building. This was the original employee parking lot. Today was New Years' Eve day and the parking was totally crazy.

The photograph below is of the North West corner. The part of the building to the right on this photo is what was the front of the old WECO plant.

Now, let me talk about the work I did at the plant. . . .

Early 1970s work at WECO's Refurbishing Plant

A close up view of the phone sorting racks, circa June, 1972. Each row was a different type, and color. The black type 500 sets are closest to camera in the photo above. There were about 10 or 15 chutes dedicated to black 500 sets. In contrast, the only other type that had more than 1 chute dedicated to a given model was the white 500 set, that one had 2 chutes.

A metal tray was taken from the row above, 4 to 6 identical sets would be placed in a tray, a computer card from the bins on the left would be placed with each phone, and the full tray was placed on the conveyer below the slots, where it was checked by a great guy who couldn't speak English but caught every error, then on to the other side of the plant to be refurbished.

A different angle again of the chutes is seen below. In most cases we would wait until we had at least 4 of any given set, before placing them in the bins. These photos were shot during the lunch break so there were few sets in the chutes.

When we were moving along, it was about all 6 men could do to keep up with the flow. There were 3 men on each side of the chutes. Three on the upper side of the chutes where the phones were taken out of the shipping cases and run down its appropriate channel.

The computer cards, which can be seen more clearly in the photo above, were organized into the rotary bins closest to the areas where that type of set came down. I guess there must have been at least 400 or 500 different types of sets, when each color was taken into account. There was a different card for each type and each color located in the bins in numeric order. One card for each phone set. The computer cards were already punched for us.

Each phone color had a number which was attached to the end of the model number. It was never actually on the phone itself, just referred to when dealing with the model. I can't remember most of the numbers but I seem to remember black was indicated by a "3", white was "60" I believe red was "52", green "51" yellow "66" etc. Maybe some WE employee may remember the numbers. It is possible that the color numbers were only used within the WE plant, since I never ended up working outside that job I couldn't say for sure.

The only time that I can remember that we couldn't find a card for a set was an incident with a modular phone. That phone came through the line with what I now know as a RJ11 jack on it. No one had ever seen one before and we had no computer card for it. The supervisor had to take it to the head of the WE plant to find out what to do with it.

I was always curious about unusual phones and continually asked my supervisor what they did. Especially if the difference seemed to be internal and not obvious on the outside. One of your pages talks about the advent of loading coils. Some of the sets, almost always black rotary dial ones, had special networks to manage lines of varying lengths. My supervisor didn't know the particulars, but explained that they were being slowly removed from service and what ever the requirement was that called for the special network was being handled in the central switching offices. (this number is probably wrong but you would see a phone with a number like 524-26b or 582-12c, instead of 500, that would specify the special networks)

Early 1970s work at WECO's Refurbishing Plant

Pallets of phones waiting to be sorted. Each open topped box contained 8 to 12 sets (depending on the model) and a pallet held from 9 to 35 boxes.

In the foreground below can be seen teletype machines, also slated for refurbishment, further back and on the right is the phone sorting area seen on the previous section

The oldest phone set I remember seeing in 1972 was a batch of the 1928 desk sets as shown below. I believe they were from West Virginia somewhere in the back mountain region. I remember asking which part of the state they came from when they arrived. I think there were about 50 or so of them.

Much more commonly we saw many Western Electric #302 sets coming from all over. I don't remember seeing any of the early die-cast zinc models, but most had the older bakelite handsets, and the majority had dials. These sets were broken down and the materials were recycled.

More photos here: http://atcaonline.com/phone/ (external link)

We saw many of the 3-coin pay phones. Back then they were still being refurbished and sent back out into the field. I remember being discussed by some of the guys. If they picked up a pay phone and heard coins in it, they would often slam the phone on the concrete floor, occasionally destroying the phone, to get the dime out. Thinking back on that, it actually showed just how tough those units were built. By the way, there's an entire web page devoted to restoring an old three slot at this address: http://www.navyrelics.com/tribute/233g_payphone_restoration.html (external link)

About every 2 weeks we would take a day to handle the Trimline phones. Because of their shape they didn't work well on the chutes. When I first started there, they were processing the Trimline phones by trying to coil the cords up around the set-base and place the combined set in the trays.

I made the suggestion that if the cords were removed, the separated handsets and bases could be rolled down the chutes. Apparently my supervisor liked the idea. I don't know what transpired in the head offices, but a few weeks later, the Trimline phones started coming in without any cords on them. I guess they had the installers remove them. The cords came in a large pallet bin and were sent directly to recycling. This reduced the time it took us from a full day every 2 weeks or so to less than 3 hours. It ended up backfiring for me though. The repetitive high-speed body twisting that resulted from the speed up ended up causing me back trouble years later.

-------------------------------------

A little more about the telephone page on my site, http://nps-vip.net/tester/ That page is a description as to how to build a phone line tester for the hearing impaired. It includes a page describing phone wire color codes. My deaf friend started me on the line tester project several years ago. She was unable to tell what might be wrong with her phone so I got to thinking about how to help her. After building the prototype (the only one I had originally intended) she talked me into making the project into a web page. I built a second one for the photo shoot. It then took me almost 2 years before I actually had any web space to publish it on.
I don't know if anyone else has built the project from my instructions, but I do get a lot of hits from people searching for color codes. :-)

Early Wireless

CALLING ALL NATIONS -- 1941

WONDERS OF RADIO

By Ellison Hawks, writing in the Popular Science Mechanical Encyclopedia, Popular Science Publishing Company, Inc., New York, 1941, p. 423 - 459.

The idea of communicating messages without wires is not a new one, for in the sixteenth century Baptista Porta, a Neapolitan philosopher, put forward a fantastic scheme based on the sympathy that was supposed to exist between needles touched by the same magnet or lodestone. By this system, he claimed, communication could easily be maintained between distant points, for every movement imparted to one of the needles would immediately induce similarly sympathetic movements in the other. In a book, Natural Magic, he did not hesitate to claim that with a long distant friend "even though he be confined by prison walls, we can communicate what we wish by means of two compass needles circumscribed with an alphabet." These wild statements about the power of "sympathetic needles" were repeated by later writers who did not trouble to test the idea, which is, of course, impracticable.

It is interesting to learn that although the great Kepler seems to have believed in the efficacy of the sympathetic telegraph, Galileo would have none of it. "You remind me," he makes Sagredo say, "of one who offered to sell me a secret art by which, through the attraction of a certain magnet needle, it would be possible to converse across a space of two or three thousand miles. And I said to him that I would willingly become the purchaser, provided only that I might first make a trial of the art, and that it would be sufficient for the purpose if I were to place myself in one corner of the room and he in the other. He replied that in so short a distance the action would scarcely be discernible, whereupon I dismissed the fellow, saying that it was not convenient for me just then to travel into Egypt or Muscovy, for the purpose of trying the experiment, but that if he chose to go there himself I would remain in Venice and attend to the rest."

A more rational and somewhat remarkable prophecy was made in 1665, by an ardent and keen-sighted scientist, Joseph Glanvill, F.R.S.: "I doubt not," he says, "but posterity will find many things, that are now but rumours, verified into practical realities.... To them that come after us it may be as ordinary to buy a pair of wings to fly into the remotest regions as now a pair of boots to ride a journey. And to confer at the distance of the Indies by sympathetic conveyances may be as usual to future times as to us in a literary correspondence . . . 'tis no despicable item that by some . . . way of magnetick efficiency it may hereafter with success be attempted...."

Early experiments

The early attempts to signal without wires fall into three categories. The methods employed successively were signaling by conduction, by induction, and by radiation, the latter being the successful method in use today. Interesting though they are, the first two methods have but little practical bearing on the later method, although they did play an important part in its evolution. For this reason we shall refer to them as briefly as possible.

All three methods use the ground as part of the circuit. That it was possible to complete an electrical circuit through the ground appears to have first been discovered by Winkler, of Leipzig. In 1746 he discharged Leyden jars through an insulated wire laid along the bank of the River Pleiss, the waters of which formed the return half of the circuit. Later in the same year he successfully transmitted over a distance of two miles, using the ground as a return circuit. Subsequently, there were numerous other instances in which the ground return was employed, as in I747 when an Englishman, Dr. (afterwards Sir William) Watson transmitted an electric current over a single wire 2,800 ft. in length and followed this by transmitting over a distance of two miles, in each case using the ground as a return.

(page 423)

[Editor's note: I did the illustration below; it is not part of the original article but it shows its key points]

Three methods exist to communicate wirelessly: conduction, induction, and radiation. (Transmitting by optical means, be it the infrared of a television remote or the visible light of a laser (internal link), falls under radiation, since it also employs radiant energy.) Radiation is how nearly all wireless has been conducted since Marconi.

Click here for a selection from Weisman's RF & Wireless. Easy to read, affordable book on wireless basics. (12 pages, 72K in .pdf)

http://www.popsci.com

Water as a conductor

In 1811 the eminent German scientist, Sommering, of Munich, who was experimenting with a form of telegraph, used water in place of wires to conduct the current for telegraphic purposes. He found that when the conducting wires were cut and the ends separated by an interval of water in wooden tubs, the current completed the circuit exactly as though the wires had not been cut. It was further found that the signals ceased when the water in the tubs was connected by a wire. As two separate bodies of water are not often to be found together in natural conditions, Sommering came to believe that his suggested method was impractical. Although his system had thus only a brief life, it was the earliest practical method proposed for wireless communication.

In I838 Dr. C. A. Steinheil, of Munich, made an accidental discovery of some importance. He endeavored to improve upon Sommering's tub-of water experiment by using the ground as a means of conduction, entirely dispensing with both wires. Steinheil was one of the greatest pioneers of the electric telegraph in Europe, and he endeavored to use as telegraphic conductors the two lines of a railway track between Nuremberg and Furth. As far as the original purpose was concerned, the experiment was a failure owing to the impossibility of obtaining a sufficiently good insulation between the two rails to enable the current to travel from one station to the other, there to be picked up by suitable apparatus.

When he failed in these experiments, however, Steinheil determined to use the ground instead of a second wire, having noticed its great conductibility in his endeavors to obtain perfect insulation of the two rails. By using the "earth battery," as it was called, for telegraphic purposes, he introduced a method that, universally adopted, effected a very considerable economy in both wire and labour.

Having succeeded so far in eliminating one of the wires and using the ground battery, he carried out further experiments and he is credited with the first intelligent suggestion of a wireless telegraph, based on his observation of galvanic excitation of the soil round his ground wires. It only depended, he decided, on the laws governing this excitation, whether it was possible to dispense with the return wire altogether.

Steinheil's galvanic effect

Steinheil admitted that in practice the suggestion "only holds for small distances, and it must be left to the future to decide whether we shall ever succeed in telegraphing at great distances entirely without metallic connection." Later, he pointed out that "the spreading of the galvanic effect is proportional, not to the distance of the point of excitation, but to the square of this distance. So that, at a distance of 50 ft. only exceeding small effects can be produced by the most powerful electrical effect at the point of excitation. Had we the means which could stand in the same relation to electricity that the eye stands to light, nothing would prevent our telegraphing through the earth without conducting wires, but it is not possible that we shall ever attain this end."

The next step forward was made by S. F. B.Morse, whose successful experiments in connection with the telegraph we have already described. A few months after he had obtained his grant from the U.S. Government (in 1843) for the installation of his experimental telegraph line between Washington and Baltimore, he endeavored to arouse interest in his invention by giving a public demonstration of the fact that an electric current will travel as well along a cable laid through water as along an air line. On the night of October 18, 1842, he laid insulated wires between Governor's Island and Castle Garden, New York, a distance of about a mile.

[For more on Morse click here]

At daybreak on the following morning he prepared to give his demonstration and had transmitted three or four characters when communication was suddenly interrupted owing to one of several vessels lying along the line of the submerged cable raising the cable on her anchor. Not understanding what they had hauled on board, and finding no end to the cable, the sailors hauled about 200 ft. on deck, cut it off, and took it away with them!

With the jeers of the disappointed spectators ringing in his ears, Morse "immediately devised a plan for avoiding such an accident in the future, by so arranging my wires along the banks of the river as to cause the water itself to conduct the electricity across." He laid a wire along each bank, connecting one wire to the transmitting key and a battery and the other wire on the opposite bank, to a galvanometer, the ends of both wires being fastened to copper plates sunk in the river (Fig. I). The experiment was successful and later he was able to transmit over the Susquehanna River with complete success for a distance of nearly a mile.

Editor's note: Do you see what is happening in the illustration above? This is transmitting by conduction. Morse used the water of the river to conduct a signal. No wires in between the sending points or plates, just water to act as the transmission media. I suppose this should be possible today. T.F.

(page 424)

The amazing Mr. Edison. Wireless communicating patent using an electostatic based inductance scheme granted December 29, 1891. Patent Number 465,971. This illustration is not part of Hawks' article but is meant to help in understanding the points he makes later on.

http://www.popsci.com (external link)

Signaling across the Tay

About this time, J. B. Lindsay was experimenting on similar lines at Dundee, Scotland, and perfected a system of radio communication by conduction, signaling across the Tay over two miles. We shall not consider his work in detail, but need only say that it had the effect of interesting W. H. Preece in the subject of radio communication. In 1870 Preece was appointed Divisional Engineer to the English General Post Office and later (1892) became Engineer-in-Chief.

(page 425)

http://www.popsci.com

English experiments

Again in 1885, Preece arranged numerous experiments with a view to testing the properties of induction in telephone wires to determine to what distance parallel wires could be separated before the inductive influence ceased to operate. Two separate squares (the sides of which were 440 yards in length) of insulated wire were laid on the Town Moor at Newcastle, parallel to each other and a quarter of a mile apart (Fig. 3). At this range, communication was easily established between the two circuits, and even when the squares were separated by I,000 yards the inductive effects were still appréciable. It was found, however, that when the distance between the parallel wires excceded the length of the wires themselves, the strength of the inducted current was considerably diminished.

Several similar trials were held (in I886) in different parts of England. Between Durham and Darlington, the ordinary working currents in one line were clearly heard in a telephone on another line, running parallel but some miles distant. Similar inductive effects were obtained on the east and west coasts between Newcastle and Gretna on lines even 40 miles apart.

In 1892 a royal commission was appointed to inquire into the practicability of electric communication between the shore and lighthouse and lightships. They authorized Preece to proceed with his proposed scheme, in order to test the theories he had formed as a result of his numerous experiments. The Bristol Channel was selected as being a suitable place for the experiment, for here are two islands, Flatholm and

(page 427)

----------------------------

Steepholm, distant from Lavernock Point three and five miles respectively (Fig. 4). Communication was easily established over the shorter distance (3.3 miles), but between Lavernock and Steepholm (5.35 miles) conversation was found to be impossible; and Morse signals, although perceptible, were unreadable. In March 1898, Preece's system was permanently established between Lavernock Point and Flatholm, and was handed over to the British War Office. A few months later S. Evershed's relays were added to work a call-bell, making the system "complete and practical."

Although Preece's system gave great promise, its limitations were soon realized. It was found that, as the distance between the two wires increased, the length of the wires had to be increased also; and that it was necessary for the length of each wire roughly to be equal to the distance between the two. Thus, although quite successful for communication over short distances, this system was useless for long distances on account of the great lengths of wire necessary for its successful working.

(page 428)

Editor's note: The graphic below is not part of the original article but it describes an important point

An experiment in electromagnetic induction: Two coils of wire are wrapped around a nail. The coils are insulated from the nail itself by several pieces of paper, which you cannot see in the drawing. When the battery is connected current steadily flows in one direction and no sound is produced. Remove a lead from the battery and a clicking noise sounds from the receiver. Current in one wire has been induced to flow in the second wire. Only when the current is turned on or off do you get a change in the electromagnetic field and a click.

http://www.popsci.com

Morse Invents the Wireless Telegraph

Morse Invents the Wireless Telegraph by Bob Lochte,author of the upcoming book on wireless pioneer Nathan Stubblefield Murray State University

It was an embarrassing distraction that Samuel F.B. Morse didn't need. He had enough trouble trying to create interest in and raise capital for his great obsession, the telegraph. But Morse had to face the facts. His submarine cable in New York harbor was a failure.

In 1842, Morse was one of America's best portrait artists but also one of her most impoverished inventors. For 10 years he had eked out an existence teaching art, often borrowing money from his students to buy food. Yet he was consumed with a passion for the idea that had struck him on board a ship in 1832. There had to be a way to use electricity to communicate intelligence.

Morse had been in Europe studying art. It was his second trip abroad. Earlier, he had mastered the craft of miniature painting, but this genre found no market in the United States. So he turned to portraits and teaching for his livelihood. On his second journey, however, he dabbled in the new science of electricity, an interest that would lead him to his most noted achievements.

In England, Charles Wheatstone and others were pursuing electrical telegraphy. To compete with these efforts, Morse enlisted the aid of Joseph Henry, America's foremost physical scientist, to learn more about electricity and electromagnetism. Merely turning the electrical circuit in a wire was not enough. To receive a message, a telegraph operator must be able to interpret a sequence of ons and offs as words. To this end, Morse devised the code of dots and dashes which bears his name. Morse Code had an elegant simplicity lacking in the Wheatstone system and became the international telegraph language, perhaps a contribution more consequential than Morse's telegraph itself.

But all this was in a future that Morse could not see clearly in 1842. It had been seven years since he built his first working telegraph. So far he had been unable to convince either investors or politicians of the invention's potential value. Now he faced another barrier, a physical one. It was comparatively easy to build an overland telegraph. All you needed was a right of way for poles or a trench to run the wire. But what happened when you reached a body of water too wide to span with a single run between two poles? Morse reasoned that the best solution would be to insulate the wire and run it underwater.

He chose New York harbor to test his idea. There he could also attract attention and perhaps investment. He planned to transmit and receive messages between the Battery, at the south end of Manhattan Island, and Governor's Island, about 1 mile distant. The first challenge was to make a waterproof cable. Wire itself was a rare commodity in 1842, so he first had to find a metalsmith who could draw a strand of 2 miles continuous length that the project required. Then Morse had to wrap it by hand "with hempen threads well saturated with pitch, tar, and surrounded with India rubber." Then he had to carefully coil the brittle cable so as not to damage the insulation nor break the wire and load it into a rowboat.

Next, Morse and an assistant had to row across the channel while slowly unrolling the cable and letting it settle to the bottom with enough slack so that it would not be an obstacle in the shipping lane. As they went along, they inspected every inch for cracks in the insulation, patching the cable with raw rubber everywhere that the corrosive salt water might seep in. They worked all day and well into the night. Finally, the task complete, Morse rowed back to the Battery, and they tested transmission and reception. It worked.

The next morning, October 19, the New York Herald announced the demonstration:

This important invention is to be exhibited in operation at Castle Garden between the hours of twelve and one o'clock today. One telegraph will be erected on Governor's Island, and the other at the Castle, and messages will be interchanged and orders transmitted during the day. Many have been incredulous as to the powers of this wonderful triumph of science and art. All such may now have an opportunity of fairly testing it. It is destined to work a complete revolution in the mode of transmitting intelligence throughout the civilized world.

With such a build-up, it's no wonder that a crowd of curious onlookers had assembled by the time Morse arrived at mid-morning. With Leonard Gale manning the instrument on the island, Morse commenced his demonstration. He sent a few characters and received a few back. Then, as the instrument was in the midst of punching dots and dashes into the paper tape, the line went dead. Unable to restore the circuit, Morse had to cancel the demonstration, much to the delight of the derisive and jeering crowd. What went wrong?

Peering out into the harbor, Morse saw the answer. Several ships were anchored between the Battery and Governor's Island. One of them had weighed anchor and hooked the cable in the process. Mistaking it for a rope, the sailors had cut it away. Morse had no immediate way to repair the physical or the public relations damage. Fortunately, since there was yet no telegraph to disseminate the news widely, the negative publicity was confined to New York.

Morse licked his wounds and pondered the problem for the next few months. He came up with a novel solution -- a wireless telegraph. In Germany, Sömmerling and Steinhill had shown that water and the earth could serve as conductors for the return electrical circuit. Morse reasoned that the body of water itself could furnish both the primary and return circuits for his telegraph, thus eliminating the need for a submarine cable.

In December 1842, the inventor devised an experiment across a canal in Washington DC, where he lived. He used two wires, one attached to a telegraph key and a battery and the other to a galvanometer to detect changes in the voltage. The ends of the wires were fastened to metal plates that were submerged on opposite banks of the canal. He tried the device on December 16, and two days later wrote to his brother Sidney:

"I believe I drew for you a method by which I thought I could pass rivers without any wires through the water. I tried the experiment across the canal here on Friday afternoon with perfect success; this also has added a fresh interest in my favor, and I begin to hope that I am on the eve of realizing something in the shape of compensation for my time and means extended in bringing my invention to its present state."
[For more on this experimenting click here]

As Morse had expected, the water completed the circuit. Although this span was only 80 yards, the next year his assistants successfully transmitted messages across the Susquehanna River at Havre de Grace, Maryland, a distance of 1 mile. They learned that larger metal plates, more widely spaced, increased both transmission distance and signal quality.

Morse, however, became preoccupied with more pressing matters, namely the promotion of his basic telegraph system. In 1843, as he had predicted in the letter to his brother, his fortunes improved. He finally received an appropriation to build a line from Washington to Baltimore, and that effort culminated on May 24, 1844 when Morse tapped out the words: "What hath God wrought?" From then on, he began the rapid expansion of telegraph service throughout the United States.

Because this growth was largely over land, often following the right of way developed by railroads, there was no immediate need for Morse's wireless telegraph. He never bothered to apply for a patent. Meanwhile, improvements in cable design and insulating materials made his original idea of submarine telegraphy practical by 1866 when Cyrus Field completed the first transatlantic cable. Other electricians in Europe and America, however, continued to experiment with Morse's simple approach to wireless telegraphy until the early 20th century. And while its transmission range was severely limited compared to radiotelegraphy, the US Army Signal Corps continued to use a variant of Morse's wireless as a short-distance field telegraph through World War I.

Morse Code was longer lived. It persisted as an international language for distress calls until February 1, 1999 -- a full 167 years after the inventor conceived it.
[For information on the last commercial Morse transmission click here (external link) http://indigo.ie/~cguiney/endofmorse.html

Sources

Samuel F.B. Morse Papers, Library of Congress.

A History of Wireless Telegraphy. J.J. Fahie. Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1899.

History of Radio Telegraphy and Telephony. G.G. Blake. London: Chapman and Hall, 1928.

Heroes of American Invention. L. Sprague de Camp. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1993.

The American Electro Magnetic Telegraph. Alfred Vail. Philadelphia: Lea and Blanchard, 1845.

(For more on Morse click here (internal link))

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KENTUCKY FARMER INVENTS WIRELESS TELEPHONE! BUT WAS IT RADIO? FACTS AND FOLKLORE ABOUT NATHAN STUBBLEFIELDby Bob Lochte In August Bob Lochte will release an important work on early radio pioneer Nathan Stubblefield. This book should appeal to general readers interested in Americana, as well as to wireless enthusiasts. Visit his site to read excerpts and preorder. http://www.nathanstubblefield.com/index.html

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